"-» 



I 



HISTORY 



O F 



THE BUCCANEERS 



OF 



AMERICA. 



By JAMES BURNEY, F.R.'S. 

CAPTAIN IN THE ROYAL NAVY. 



HonDcn : 

Printed by Luke Hansard <£ Sons, near Lincoln' s-Inn Fields ; 

FOR PAYNE AND FOSS, PALL-MALL. 



1816. 




,.., v 



HISTORY 



O F 



THE BUCCANEERS 



O F 



AMERICA. 



By JAMES BURNEY, F.R/S. 

CAPTAIN IN THE KOYAL NAVY 



Ronton: 

Printed by Luke Hansard <f- Sons, near Lincoln's-Inn Fields ; 

FOR PAYNE AND F O S S, FALL-MALL. 



1816. 




. )Wr 



\ 



■ 



a 



(X'v 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Considerations on the Rights acquired by the Discovery of Unknown 
Lands, and on the Claims advanced by the Spaniards. 

CHAR II. 

Review of the Dominion of the Spaniards in Hay ti or Hispaniola. 



Hayti, or Hispaniola, the Land on 
which the Spaniards first settled in 
America - 

Government of Columbus 

Dogs made use of against the Indians 

Massacre of the Natives, and Subjuga- 
tion of the Island - - - - 

Heavy Tribute imposed - 

City of Nueva Ysabel, or Santo 
Domingo - 

Beginning of the Repartimientos 

Government of Bovadilla - 

The Natives compelled to work the 
Mines - 

Nicolas Ovando, Governor 

Working the Mines discontinued 

The Natives again forced to the Mines 



Page 



7 

9 

10 

n 

12 

14 
i6 
ib. 

*7 

ib. 

18 

*9 



Page 

Insurrection in Higuey 20 

Encomiendas established - ib. 

Africans carried to the West Indies - 21 

Massacre of the People of Xaragua - 22 

Death of Queen Ysabel - - - 23 

Desperate condition of the Natives - 24 

The Grand Antilles 26 

Small Antilles, or Caribbee Islands - ib. 

Lucayas, or Bahama Islands - - ib. 
The Natives of the Lucayas betrayed to 

the Mines ----- 27 

Fate of the Natives of Porto Rico - 28 

D. Diego Columbus, Governor - - ib. 

Increase of Cattle in Hayti. Cuba - 29 
De las.Casas and Cardinal Ximenes 

endeavour to serve the Indians 30 

Cacique Henriquez - -• - - ib 



<**- 



CHAP. III. - 

Ships of different European Nations frequent the West Indies. Opposition 
experienced by them from the Spaniards. Hunting of Cattle in 
Hispaniola. 



Adventure of an English Ship - 
The French and other Europeans resort 

to the West Indies 
Regulation proposed in Hispaniola, for 

protection against Pirates 



Page 
32 

33 



Hunting of Cattle in Hispaniola 
Matadores - 
Guarda Costas - 

Brethren of the Coast 



Page 

34 
ib. 

35 
36 



A 2 



IV 



CONTENTS. 



CHAP. IV. 

Iniquitous Settlement of the Island Saint Christopher by the English and 
French. Tortuga seized by the Hunters. Origin of the name Bucca- 
neer. The name Flibustier. Customs attributed to the Buccaneers. 



The English and French settle on 

Saint Christopher 
Are driven away by the Spaniards 
They return - 



Page 

38 
40 

41 



Tortuga seized by the Hunters - 
Whence the Name Buccaneer - 
- - the Name Flibustier - 
Customs attributed to the Buccaneers 



Page 

4 1 

42 

43 
45 



CHAP. V. 

Treaty made by the Spaniards with Don Henriquez. Increase of English 
and French in the West Indies. Tortuga surprised by the Spaniards. 
Policy of the English and French Governments with respect to the 
Buccaneers. Mansvelt, his attempt to form an independent Buccaneer 
Establishment. French West-India Company. Morgan succeeds Mans- 
velt as Chief of the Buccaneers. 

Page 



Cultivation in Tortuga - 

Increase of the English and French 

Settlements in the West Indies 
Tortuga surprised by the Spaniards - 
Is taken possession of for the Crown 

of France - 

Policy of the English and French 

Governments with respect to the 

Buccaneers - - - - - 
The Buccaneers plunder New Segovia 
The Spaniards retake Tortuga - 
With the assistance of the Buccaneers 

the English take Jamaica 
The French retake Tortuga 
Pierre le Grand, a French Buccaneer - 
Alexandre - 

Montbars, surnamed the Exterminator 
Bartolomeo Portuguez - 



Page 

48 



ib. 

49 

5i 

52 
53 
ib. 



04 

ib. 
ib. 

55 
ib. 
ib. 



L'Olonnois, and Michel le Basque, 

take Maracaibo and Gibraltar - 55 

Outrages committed by L'Olonnois - ib. 

Mansvelt, a Buccaneer Chief, attempts 

to form a Buccaneer Establishment - 56 

Island S ta Katalina, or Providence ; 

since named Old Providence - - ib. 

Death of Mansvelt 57 

French West-India Company - - ib. 

The French Settlers dispute their au- 
thority - - - - 58 

Morgan succeeds Mansvelt ; plunders 

Puerto del Principe - ib. 

Maracaibo again pillaged - - 59 

Morgan takes Porto Bello: his Cruelty ib. 

He plunders Maracaibo and Gibraltar . 60 

His Contrivances to effect his Retreat- 61 



CONTENTS. 



CHAP. VI. 

Treaty of America. Expedition of the Buccaneers against Panama. 
Exquemelins History of the American Sea Hovers. Misconduct of the 
European Governors in the West Indies. 



Page 

Treaty between Great Britain and Spain 63 
Expedition of the Buccaneers against 

Panama - - - - - 64 

They take the Island S u Katalina - 65 

Attack of the Castle at the River Chagre ib. 

Their March across the Isthmus - 66 

The City of Panama taken - 6j 



And burnt - - - - - 
The Buccaneers depart from Panama - 
Exquemelin's History of the Bucca- 
neers of America - - - - 
Flibusticrs shipwrecked at Porto Rico; 
and put to death by the Spaniards - 



Page 
68 
69 



7 1 



73 



CHAP. VII. 

Thomas Peche. Attempt o/"La Sound to cross the Isthmus of America. 
Voyage of Antonio de Vea to the Strait of Magalhanes. Various 
Adventures of the Buccaneers, in the West Indies, to the year 1679. 



Page 
Thomas Peche - - - 75 

La Sound attempts to cross the Isthmus ib. 
Voyage of Ant. de Vea - - - 76 
Massacre of the French in Samana - yj 



Page 
French Fleet wrecked on Aves - 77 

Granmont - - - - - ib. 
Darien Indians - - 79 

Porto Bello surprised by the Buccaneers ib. 



CHAP. VIII. 

Meeting of Buccaneers at the Samballas, and Golden Island. Party 
formed by the English Buccaneers to cross the Isthmus. Some Account 
of the Native Inhabitants of the Mosquito Shore. 

Page I Page 

Golden Island - 81 | Account of the Mosquito Indians - 82 



CHAP. IX. 

Journey of the Buccaneers across the Isthmus of America. 



Buccaneers commence their March 
Fort of S ,a Maria taken - 



Page 

9 1 
95 



John Coxon chosen Commander 
They arrive at the South Sea - 



Page 
9 6 
97 



VI 



CONTENTS. 



CHAP. X. 

First Buccaneer Expedition in the South Sea. 



In the Bay of Panama - 

Island Chepillo - 

Battle with a small Spanish Armament 

Richard Sawkins - 

Panama, the new City - 

Coxon returns to the West Indies 

Richard Sawkins chosen Commander 

Taboga; Otoque - 

Attack of Pueblo Nuevo - 

Captain Sawkins is killed - 

Imposition practised by Sharp - 

Sharp chosen Commander 

Some return to the West Indies 

The Anchorage at Quibo - 

Island Gorgona - 

Island Plata - 

Adventure of Seven Buccaneers 

Ilo - - - - - 

Shoals of Anchovies - 

La Serena plundered and burnt - 

Attempt of the Spaniards to bum the 

Ship of the Buccaneers 
Island Juan Fernandez - ■ - • - 



Page 

98 
ib. 
ib. 

99 
100 

101 

ib. 
102 
103 

ib. 
104 
105 

ib. 

ib. 
106 
107 

ib. 
109 

ib. 

ib. 

ib. 
110 



Page 

111 

ib. 



Sharp deposed from the Command 
Watling elected Commander 
William, a Mosquito Indian, left on the 

Island Juan Fernandez - - - 112 

Island Yqueque ; Rio de Camarones - 113 

They attack Arica - - ■ * , - ib. 

Are repulsed ; Watling killed ,- - 114 

Sharp again chosen Commander - 115 

Huasco ; Ylo - - - - - ib. 

The Buccaneers separate - - - 116 

Proceedings of Sharp and his Followers ib. 

They enter a Gulf - 118 

Shergall's Harbour - - - - 119 

Another Harbour - - - - ib. 

The Gulf is named the English Gulf - ib. 

Duke of York's Islands - - - 120 

A Native killed by the Buccaneers - 121 

Native of Patagonia carried away - ib. 

Passage round Cape Horn - - . 122 

Appearance like Land, in 57° 50' S. - ib. 

Ice Islands - - - - - ib. 

Arrive in the West Indies - - 123 

Sharp, and others, tried for Piracy - ib. 



CHAR XI. 

Disputes between the French Government and their West-India Colonies, 
Morgan becomes Deputy Governor of Jamaica. La Vera Cruz sur- 
prised by the Flibustiers. Other of their Enterprises. 



Page 

Prohibitions against Piracy disregard- 
ed by the French Buccaneers - 125-6 

Sir Henry Morgan, Deputy Governor 
of Jamaica • - - - - - j 26 

His Severity to the Buccaneers •< ib. 

Van Horn, Granmont, and De Graaf, 
go against La Vera Cruz - - 127 



Page 

They surprise the Town by Stratagem 127 

Story of Granmont and an English Ship 128 

Disputes of the French Governors with 

the Flibustiers of Saint Domingo - 130 



CONTENTS. 



Vll 



CHAP. XII. 

Circumstances which preceded the Second Irruption of the Buccaneers into 
the South Sea. Buccaneers under John Cook sail from Virginia ; stop 
at the Cape de Verde Islands; at Sierra Leone. Origin and History 
of the Report concerning the supposed Discovery ofVepys Island. 



Page 
Circumstances preceding the Second 
Irruption of the Buccaneers into the 
South Sea - - - - -132 
Buccaneers under John Cook - - 134 
Cape de Verde Islands - - - 135 
Ambergris; The Flamingo - - ib. 
Coast of Guinea - - - - 136 



Page 

Sherborough River - - - - 137 

John Davis's Islands - ib. 
History of the Report of a Discovery 

named Pepys Island - ib. 

Shoals of small red Lobsters - - 140 

Passage round Cape Home - - ib. 



CHAP. XIII. 

Buccaneers under John Cook arrive at Juan Fernandez. Account of 
William, a Mosquito Indian^ who had lived there three years. They sail 
to the Galapagos Islands ; thence to the Coast of New Spain. John 
Cook dies. Edward Davis chosen Commander. 



Page 
The Buccaneers under Cook joined by 

the Nicholas of London, John Eaton 141 

At Juan Fernandez - 142 

William the Mosquito Indian - - ib. 
Juan Fernandez first stocked with Goats 

by its Discoverer - 143 

Appearance of the Andes - ib. 

Islands Lobos de la Mar - ib. 

At the Galapagos Islands - 145 

Duke of Norfolk's Island - - ib. 



Page 

Cowley's Chart of the Galapagos - 146 
King James's Island - ib. 

Mistake by the Editor of Dampier - ib. 
Concerning Fresh Water and Herbage 

at the Galapagos - ib. & 147 

Land and Sea Turtle - - - 148 

Mammee Tree - ib^ 

Coast of New Spain; Cape Blanco - 149 
John Cook, Buccaneer Commander, dies ib. 
Edward Davis chosen Commander - ib. 



CHAP. XIV. 

Edward Davis Commander. On the Coast of New Spain and Peru. 
Algatrane, a bituminous earth. Davis is joined by other Buccaneers. 
Eaton sails to the East Indies. Guayaquil attempted. Rivers of 
St. Jago, and Tomaco. Tn the Bay of Panama. Arrivals of nume- 
rous parties of Buccaneers across the Isthmus from the West Indies. 

Page 





Page 


Calclera Bay - 


- 15° 


Volcan Viejo - 


- 151 


Ria-lexa Harbour - 


- ib. 


Bay of Amapalla - 


- 152 


Davis and Eaton part company 


- 154 



Tornadoes near the Coast of New Spain 

Cape San Francisco - 

Eaton's Description of Cocos Island - 

Point S ta Elena - 

Algatrane, a bituminous Earth - 



155 
ib. 
ib. 

156 

ib. 

Rich 



Vlll 



CONTENTS. 



chap. xiv. — continued. 
Rich Ship wrecked on Point S te Elena 
Manta ; Rocks near it, and Shoal 
Davis is joined by other Buccaneers - 
The Cygnet, Captain Swan 
At Isle de la Plata - 
Cape Blanco, near Guayaquil ; difficult 

to weather - 
Payta burnt - 
Part of the Peruvian Coast where it 

never rains - 
Lobos de Tierra, and Lobos de la Mai- 
Eaton at the Ladrones - 
Nutmeg Island, North of Luconia 
Davis on the Coast of Peru 
Slave Ships captured - 

The Harbour of Guayaquil 



CHAP. XV. 
Edward Davis Commander. Meeting of the Spanish and Buccaneer Fleets 
in the Bay of Panama. They separate without fighting. The Bucca- 
neers sail to the Island Quibo. The English and French separate. 
Expedition against the City of Leon. That City and Ria Lexa burnt. 
Farther dispersion of the Buccaneers. 

Page 



*age 


Page 


1 57 


Island S ta Clara : Shoals near it - 164 


ib. 




ib. 


The Cotton Tree and Cabbage Tree - 166 


ib. 


River of St. Jago - ib. 


*59 


Island Gallo ; River Tomaco - - 1 67 




Island Gorgona - ib. 


ib. 


Pearl Oysters - - - - -168 


160 


Galeralsle - - - - - ib. 




The Pearl Islands - - - - 169 


ib. 


Arrival of fresh bodies of Buccaneers 


ib. 


from the West Indies - - -170 


161 


Grogniet and L'Escuyer -.-■.'- ib. 


163 


Townley and his Crew - - - 171" 


ib. 


Pisco Wine - - - - - 172 


ib. 


PortdePinas; Taboga - - - 173 


164 





The Lima Fleet arrives at Panama - 176 

Meeting of the two Fleets - - 177 

They separate - - - - - 180 

Keys of Quibo : The Island Quibo - 181 

Rock near the Anchorage - - ib. 

Serpents; The Serpent Berry - - 182 

Disagreements among the Buccaneers ib. 



The French separate from the English 
Knight, a Buccaneer, joins Davis 
Expedition against the City of Leon - 
Leon burnt by the Buccaneers - 
Town of Ria Lexa burnt - 
Farther Separation of the Buccaneers 



Page 
183 

ib. 
184 
186 
187 

ib. 



C H A P. XVI. 

Buccaneers under Edward Davis. At Amapalla Bay ; Cocos Island; 
The Galapagos Islands ; Coast of Peru. Peruvian Wine. Knight 
quits the South Sea. Bezoar Stones. Marine Productions on Moun- 
tains. Vermejo. Davis joins the French Buccaneers at Guayaquil. 

Long Sea Engagement. 

Page 



Amapalla Bay 
A hot River 
Cocos Island 



Page 

188 

ib. 

189 



Effect of Excess in drinking the Milk 

of the Cocoa-nut - - - - 190 
At the Galapagos islands - ib. 

On 



CONTENTS. 



IX 



chap. xvi. — continued. Page 
On the Coast of Peru - - - 191 
Peruvian Wine like Madeira - - ib. 
At Juan Fernandez - - - -192 
Knight quits the South Sea - - ib. 
Davis returns to the Coast of Peru - ib. 
Bezoar Stones - - - - - 193 
Marine Productions found on Moun- 
tains; Vermejo - ib. 



Page 
Davis joins the French Buccaneers at 

Guayaquil - * - - - 195 
They meet Spanish Ships of War - 196 
A Sea Engagement of seven days - ib. 
At the Island de la Plata - - - 198 
Division of Plunder - 199 
They separate, to return home by dif- 
ferent Routes - - - - 200 



CHAP. XVII. 

Edward Davis ; his Third visit to the Galapagos. One of those Islands, 
named Santa Maria de l'Aguada by the Spaniards, a Careening Place 
of the Buccaneers. Sailing thence Southward they discover Land. 
Question, whether Edward Davis's Discovery is the Land which was 
afterwards named Easter Island ? Davis and his Crew arrive in the 
West Indies. 



Davis sails to the Galapagos Islands - 
King James's Island - 

The Island S te Maria de l'Aguada 
Davis sails from the Galapagos to the 
Southward - - - - - 



Page 
201 
202 

203 

205 



Page 
Island discovered by Edward Davis - 206 
Question whether Edward Davis's Land 

and Easter Island are the same Land 207 
At the Island Juan Fernandez - - 210 
Davis sails to the West Indies - - 211 



CHAP. XVIII. 

Adventures of Swan and Townley on the Coast of New Spain, until 

their Separation. 



Bad Water, and unhealthiness of Ria 
Lexa ------ 

Island Tangola - 

Guatulco ; El Buffadore - - - 

Vinello, or Vanilla, a Plant 

Island Sacrificio - - - - 

Port de Angeles - - - - 

Adventure in a Lagune - 
Alcatraz Rock ; White Cliffs - 
River to the West of the Cliffs - 
Snook, a Fish - - - - - 

High Land of Acapulco - - - 
Sandy Beach, West of Acapulco 



Page 



213 
214 
215 
216 

ib. 

ib. 
217 
218 

ib. 

ib. 
219 

ib. 



Hill of Petapian - 

Chequetan - 

Estapa ------ 

Hill of Thelupan - - ■ - 

Volcano and Valley of Colima - 
Salagua ------ 

Report of a great City named Oarrah 

Coronada Hills - 

Cape Corrientes - 

Keys or Islands of Chametly form a 

convenient Port - 
Bay and Valley de Vanderas 
Swan and Townley part company 

b 



Page 
220 

ib. 

ib. 
221 

ib. 
222 

ib. 
223 

ib. 

ib. 
225 
226 



CONTENTS. 



CHAP. XIX. 

The Cygnet and her Crew on the Coast of Nueva Galicia, and at the 

Tres Marias Islands. 



Coast of Nueva Galicia 

Point Ponteque - 

White Rock, 2i° 51' N - 

Chametlau Isles, 23 11' N 

The Penguin Fruit 

Rio de Sal, and Salt-water Lagune 

The Mexican, a copious Language - 

Mazatlan -■-'--...- 

Rosario, an Indian Town ; River Rosa- 

rio ; Sugar-loaf Hill ; Caput Cavalli ; 

Maxentelbo Rock ; Hill of Xalisco 



Page 

227 

ib. 

228 


River of Santiago - 

Town of S ta Pecaque - - 

Buccaneers defeated and slain by 


Page 

- 230 

- 231 
the 


ib. 

ib. 


Spaniards - 
At the Tres Marias 


- 233 

- 234 


ib. 


A Root used as Food - r 


- 235 


229 
ib. 


A Dropsy cured by a Sand Bath 
Bay of Vanderas - 


- ib. 

- 236 



230 



CHAP. XX. 

The Cygnet. Her Passage across the Pacific Ocean. At the Ladrones. 

At Mindanao. 



The Cygnet quits the American Coast 

Large flight of Birds - 

Shoals and Breakers near Guahan 

Bank de Santa Rosa - 

At Guahan - 

Flying Proe, or Sailing Canoe - 

Bread Fruit - 



Page 

237 
ib. 
ib. 

238 
ib. 

239 
241 



Page 
Eastern side of Mindanao, and the 

Island St. John - - - - 241 

Sarangan and Candigar - - - 243 
Harbour or Sound on the South Coast 

of Mindanao - ib. 

River of Mindanao - - - - 244 

City of Mindanao - ib. 



CHAP. XXI. 

The Cygnet departs from Mindanao. At the Ponghou Isles. At the 
Five Islands. Dampier's Account of the Five Islands. They are 
named the Bashee Islands. 



South Coast of Mindanao 
Among the Philippine Islands - 
Pulo Condore - - - - 
In the China Seas - 



Page 




Page 


- 249 


Ponghou Isles - 


- 250 


- ib. 


The Five Islands - 


- ib. 


- ib. 


Dampier's Description of them - 


250 — 256 


- 250 







CONTENTS. 



XI 



CHAP. XXII. 

The Cygnet. At the Philippines, Celebes, and Timor. On the Coast 
of New Holland. End of the Cygnet. 



Island near the SE end of Mindanao - 
Candigar, a convenient Cove there - 
Low Island and Shoal, SbW from the 

West end of Timor - 
NW Coast of New Holland 



Page 

2 57 
ib. 



258 
ib. 



Bay on the Coast of New Holland 

Natives - 



An Island in Latitude io° 20' S 
End of the Cygnet - 



Page 

- 258 

- 259 

- 261 

- ib. 



CHAP. XXIII. 

French Buccaneers under Francois Grogniet and Le Picard, to the 

Death of Grogniet. 



Point de Burica; Chiriquita 
Unsuccessful attempt at Pueblo Nuevo 
Grogniet is joined by Townley - 
Expedition against the City of Granada 
At Ria Lexa - - - - - 
Grogniet and Townley part company - 
Buccaneers under Townley 
Lavelia taken, and set on fire - - 270 



Page 
263 
265 

ib. 
266 
260. 

ib. 

ib. 



Page 

Battle with Spanish armed Ships - 274 

Death of Townley - 277 

Grogniet rejoins company - - 278 

They divide, meet again, and reunite 279 

Attack on Guayaquil - 280 

At the Island Puna - 282 

Grogniet dies - - - - - ib. 

Edward Davis joins Le Picard - - 283 



CHAP. XXIV. 

Retreat of the French Buccaneers across New Spain to the West Indies. 
All the Buccaneers quit the South Sea. 



In Amapalla Bay - 

Chiloteca ; Massacre of Prisoners 

The Buccaneers burn their Vessels 

They begin their march over land 

Town of New Segovia 

Rio de Yare, or Cape River 



Page 
286 
ib. 
287 
288 
289 
291 



La Pava ; Straiton ; Le Sage 

Small Crew of Buccaneers at the Tres 

Marias. Their Adventures - 
Story related by Le Sieur' Froger 
Buccaneers who lived three years on 

the Island J uan Fernandez 



Page 
- 294 



295 
ib. 

2q6 



Xll 



CONTENTS. 



CHAP. XXV. 

Steps taken towards reducing the Buccaneers and Flibustiers under 
subordination to the regular Governments. War of the Grand Alliance 
against France. Neutrality of the Island St. Christopher broken. 



Page 
Reform attempted in the West Indies 298 
Campeachy burnt - ib. 

Danish Factory robbed - 300 



Page 
The English driven from St. Christopher 301 
The English retake St. Christopher - 302 



CHAP. XXVI. 

Siege and Plunder of the City of Carthagena on the Terra Firma, by 
an Armament from France in conjunction with the Flibustiers of 
Saint Domingo. 



Page 
Armament under M. de Pointis - - 303 
His Character of the Buccaneers - 304 
Siege of Carthagena by the French - 307 



The City capitulates 
Value of the Plunder 



Page 

- 309 

- 313 



CHAP. XXVII. 

Second Plunder of Carthagena. Peace of Ryswick, in 1697. Entire 
Suppression of the Buccaneers and Flibustiers. 

Page 
The Buccaneers return to Carthagena 316 
Meet an English and Dutch Squadron 319 
Peace of Ryswick - - _ - - 320 
Causes which led to the Suppression of 
the Buccaneers - - - - ib. 



Providence Island 
Conclusion - 



Page 

- 3 22 

- 3 2 3 



JLLAPAGOS ISLANDS ^ Described by Ambrose Cowley m 1684. 

84 83 82 




Zongitnde West 84 trojn. tfieZizard 



N.B . The Island Santa Maria de liJouada, according to t£r situation from Albemarle Island, 
is added from the Chart published fn/ Jl^Arj^owsmitfv. 



HISTORY 



OF 



THE BUCCANEERS 



OF 



AMERICA. 



CHAPTER I. 

Considerations on the Rights acquired by the Discovery of Unknown 
Lands, and on the Claims advanced by the Spaniards. 

H E Accounts given by the Buccaneers who extended their 
enterprises to the Pacific Ocean, me the best authenticated 
of any which have been published by that class of Adven- 
turers. They are interspersed with nautical and geographical 
descriptions, corroborative of the events related, and more 
worth being preserved than the memory of what was performed. 
The materials for this portion of Buccaneer history, which it 
was necessary should be included in a History of South Sea 
Navigations, could not be collected without bringing other 
parts into view ; whence it appeared, that with a moderate 
increase of labour, and without much enlarging the bulk of 
narrative, a regular history might be formed of their career, 
from their first rise, to their suppression; and that such a 
work would not be without its use. 

B No 



CHAP. 1< 



(AvmrniM- 



W [■] S T 



$ JE A 




MAP of tie ISTHMUS of DARXEN 
and BAY of PANAMA . 

<yi <//„; </,■<•<>/////>, ±!/ r *////*//(/<■,« n</ Me 



HISTORY 



OF 



THE BUCCANEERS 



OF 



AMERICA, 



CHAPTER I. 



Considerations on the Rights acquired by the Discovery of Unknown 
Lands, and on the Claims advanced by the Spaniards. 

HH HE Accounts given by the Buccaneers who extended their chap. i. 
-^ enterprises to the Pacific Ocean, are the best authenticated 
of any which have been published by that class of Adven- 
turers. They are interspersed with nautical and geographical 
descriptions, corroborative of the events related, and more 
worth being preserved than the memory of what was performed. 
The materials for this portion of Buccaneer history, which it 
was necessary should be included in a History of South Sea 
Navigations, could not be collected without bringing other 
parts into view ; whence it appeared, that with a moderate 
increase of labour, and without much enlarging the bulk of 
narrative, a regular history might be formed of their career, 
from their first rise, to their suppression; and that such a 
work would not be without its use. 

B No 



2 HISTORY OE THE 

chap; i. No practice is more common in literature, than for an 
author to endeavour to clear the ground before him, by mowing 
down the labours of his predecessors on the same subject. 
To do this, where the labour they have bestowed is of good 
tendency, or even to treat with harshness the commission of 
error where no bad intention is manifest, is in no small degree 
illiberal. But all the Buccaneer histories that hitherto have 
appeared, and the number is not small, are boastful com- 
positions, which have delighted in exaggeration : and, what is 
most mischievous, they have lavished commendation on acts 
which demanded reprobation, and have endeavoured to raise 
miscreants, notorious for their want of humanity, to the rank 
of heroes, lessening thereby the stain upon robbery, and the 
abhorrence naturally conceived against cruelty. 

There is some excuse for the Buccaneer, who tells his own 
story. Vanity, and his prejudices, without any intention to 
deceive, lead him to magnify his own exploits ; and the reader 
naturallj r makes allowances. 

The men whose enterprises are to be related, were natives of 
different European nations, but chiefly of Great Britain and 
France, and most of them seafaring people, who being dis- 
appointed, by accidents or the enmity of the Spaniards, in their 
more sober pursuits in the IVest Indies, and also instigated by 
thirst for plunder as much as by desire for vengeance, em- 
bodied themselves, under different leaders of their own choosing, 
to make predatory war upon the Spaniards. These men 
the Spaniards naturally treated as pirates ; but some peculiar 
circumstances which provoked their first enterprises, and a 
general feeling of enmity against that nation on account of 
their American conquests, procured them the connivance of 
the rest of the maritime states of Europe, and to be distin- 
guished first by the softened appellations of Freebooters and 

Adventurers, and afterwards by that of Buccaneers. 

Spain, 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 3 

Spain, or, more strictly speaking, Castile, on the merit of chap. 1. 
a first discovery, claimed an exclusive right to the possession 
of the whole of America, with the exception of the Brasils, 
which were conceded to the Portuguese. These claims, and 
this division, the Pope sanctioned by an instrument, entitled a 
Bull of Donation, which was granted at a time when all the 
maritime powers of Europe were under the spiritual dominion 
of the See of Rome. The Spaniards, however, did not flatter 
themselves that they should be left in the sole and undisputed 
enjoyment of so large a portion of the newly-discovered coun- 
tries ; but they were principally anxious to preserve wholly to 
themselves the West Indies : and, such was the monopolising 
spirit of the Castilians, that during the life of the Queen Ysabel 
of Castile, who was regarded as the patroness of Columbus's 
discovery, it was difficult even for Spaniards, not subjects born 
of the crown of Castile, to gain access to this New Worlds 
prohibitions being repeatedly published against the admission 
of all other persons into the ships bound thither. Ferdinand, 
King of Arragon, the husband of Ysabel, had refused to 
contribute towards the outfit of Columbus's first voyage, 
having no opinion of the probability that it would produce him 
an adequate return ; and the undertaking being at the expence 
of Castile, the countries discovered were considered as appen- 
dages to the crown of Castile. 

If such jealousy w r as entertained by the Spaniards of each 
other, what must not have been their feelings respecting other 
European nations ? ' Whoever/ says Hakluyt, ' is conversant 

* with the Portugal and Spanish writers, shall find that they 
1 account all other nations for pirates, rovers, and thieves, 
< which visit any heathen coast that they have sailed by or 

* looked on/ 

Spain considered the New World as what in our law books 

b % is 



4 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. i. is called Treasure-trove, of which she became lawfully and 
exclusively entitled to take possession, as fully as if it had been 
found without any owner or proprietor. Spain has not been 
singular in her maxims respecting the rights of discoverers. 
Our books of Voyages abound in instances of the same dis- 
regard shewn to the rights of the native inhabitants, the only 
rightful proprietors, by the navigators of other European 
nations, who, with a solemnity due only to offices of a religious 
nature, have continually put in practice the form of taking 
possession of Countries which to them were new discoveries, 
their being inhabited or desert making no difference. Not 
unfrequently has the ceremony been performed in the presence, 
but not within the understanding, of the wondering natives ; 
and on this formality is grounded a claim to usurp the actual 
possession, in preference to other Europeans. 

Nothing can be more opposed to common sense, than that 
strangers should pretend to acquire by discovery, a title to 
countries they find with inhabitants ; as if in those very inha- 
bitants the right of prior discovery was not inherent. On 
some occasions, however, Europeans have thought it expedient 
to acknowledge the rights of the natives, as when, in disputing 
each other's claims, a title by gift from the natives has been 
pretended. 

In uninhabited lands, a right of occupancy results from 
the discovery; but actual and bond jidt possession is requisite 
to perfect appropriation. If real possession be not taken, or 
if taken shall not be retained, the right acquired by the mere 
discovery is not indefinite and a perpetual bar of exclusion to 
all others ; for that would amount to discovery giving a right 
equivalent to annihilation. Moveable effects may be hoarded 
and kept out of use, or be destroyed, and it will not always be 
easy to prove whether with injury or benefit to mankind : but 

the 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 

the necessities of human life will not admit, unless under the 
strong hand of power, that a right should be pretended to 
keep extensive and fertile countries waste and secluded from 
their use, without other reason than the will of a proprietor or 
claimant. 

Particular local circumstances have created objections to 
the occupancy of territory: for instance, between the confines 
of the Russian and Chinese Empires, large tracts of country 
are left waste, it being held, that their being occupied by the 
subjects of either Empire would affect the security of the 
other. Several similar instances might be mentioned. 

There is in many cases difficulty to settle what constitues 
occupancy. On a small Island, any first settlement is acknow- 
ledged an occupancy of the whole; and sometimes, the 
occupancy of a single Island of a group is supposed to com- 
prehend an exclusive title to the possession of the remainder 
of the group. In the West Indies, the Spaniards regarded 
their making settlements on a few Islands, to be an actual 
taking possession of the whole, as far as European pretensions 
were concerned. 

The first discovery of Columbus set in activity the curiosity 
and speculative dispositions of all the European maritime 
Powers. King Henry the VHth, of England, as soon as he 
was certified of the existence of countries in the Western 
hemisphere, sent ships thither, whereby Newfoundland, and 
parts of the continent of North America, were first discovered. 
South America was also visited very early, both by the English 
and the French; ' which nations/ the Historian of Brasil 
remarks, 4 had neglected to ask a share of the undiscovered 
' World, when Pope Alexander the Vlth partitioned it, who 
* would as willingly have drawn two lines as one ; and, because 
4 they derived no advantage from that partition, refused to 

* admit 



CHAP. 1 



6 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 1. 



' admit its validity/ The West Indies, however, which doubtless 
was the part most coveted by all, seem to have been considered 
as more particularly the discovery and right of the Spaniards; 
and, either from respect to their pretensions, or from the 
opinion entertained of their force in those parts, they remained 
many years undisturbed by intruders in the West Indian Seas. 
But their homeward-bound ships, and also those of the 
Portuguese from the East Indies, did not escape being molested 
by pirates ; sometimes by those of their own, as well as of 
other nations. 



BUCCANEERS OE AMERICA: 7 



CHAP. II. 

Review of the Dominion of the Spaniards in Hayti or 

Hispaniola. 

HH H E first settlement formed by the Castilians in their newly ch a p. 2. 
discovered world, was on the Island by the native inha- 1492-3. 
bitants named Hayti ; but to which the Spaniards gave the Hayti, or 
name of Espanola or Hispaniola. And in process of time it 2™ a ' 
came to pass, that this same Island became the great place of Settlement 
resort, and nursery, of the European adventurers, who have Spaniards 
been so conspicuous under the denomination of the Buccaneers in America. 
of America. 

The native inhabitants found in Hayti, have been described 
a people of gentle, compassionate dispositions, of too frail a 
constitution, both of body and mind, either to resist oppression, 
or to support themselves under its weight ; and to the indolence, 
luxury, and avarice of the discoverers, their freedom and 
happiness in the first instance, and finally their existence, fell 
a sacrifice. 

Queen Ysabel, the patroness of the discovery, believed it 
her duty, and was earnestly disposed, to be their protectress; 
but she wanted resolution to second her inclination. The 
Island abounded in gold mines. The natives were tasked to 
work them, heavier and heavier by degrees; and it was the 
great misfortune of Columbus, after achieving an enterprise, 
the glory of which was not exceeded by any action of his 
contemporaries, to make an ungrateful use of the success 
Heaven had favoured him with, and to be the foremost in the 
destruction of the nations his discovery first made known to 
Europe. 

The 



8 DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 

chap. 2.^ The population of Hayti, according to the lowest estima- 
Review tion made, amounted to a million of souls. The first visit 
of the of Columbus was passed in a continual reciprocation of kind 

Dominion L c 

of the offices between them and the Spaniards. One of the Spanish 
[ i s gj-jjpg was W recked upon the coast, and the natives gave every 
Hispaniola. assistance in their power towards saving the crew, and their 
effects to them. When Columbus departed to return to 'Europe, 
he left behind him thirty-eight Spaniards, with the consent of 
the Chief or Sovereign of the part of the Island where he had 
been so hospitably received. He had erected a fort for their 
security, and the declared purpose of their remaining was to 
protect the Chief against all his enemies. Several of the 
native Islanders voluntarily embarked in the ships to go to 
Spain, among whom was a relation of the Hayti Chief; and 
with them were taken gold, and various samples of the produc- 
tions of the New World. 

Columbus, on his return, was received by the Court of Spain 
with the honours due to his heroic achievement, indeed with 
honours little short of adoration : he was declared Admiral, 
Governor, and Viceroy of the Countries that he had disco- 
vered, and also of those which he should afterwards discover; 
he was ordered to assume the style and title of nobility; and 
was furnished with a larger fleet to prosecute farther the disco- 
very, and to make conquest of the new lands. The Instructions 
for his second expedition contained the following direction : 

* Forasmuch as you, Christopher Columbus, are going by our 
' command, with our vessels and our men, to discover and 

* subdue certain Islands and Continent, our will is, that you 
1 shall be our Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor in them.' This 
was the first step in the iniquitous usurpations which the more 
cultivated nations of the world have practised upon their 
weaker brethren, the natives of America, 

Thus 



IN HISPANIOLA. 9 

Thus provided and instructed, Columbus sailed on his second chap. 2. 
voyage. On arriving at Hayti, the first news he learnt was, 1493 . 
that the natives had demolished the fort which he had built, Govern- 
and destroyed the garrison, who, it appeared, had given great Columbus, 
provocation, by their rapacity and licentious conduct. War did 
not immediately follow. Columbus accepted presents of gold 
from the Chief; he landed a number of colonists, and built a town 
on the North side of Hayti, which he named after the patroness, 
Ysabel, and fortified. A second fort was soon built; new 1494. 
Spaniards arrived; and the natives began to understand that it 
was the intention of their visitors to stay, and be lords of the 
country. The Chiefs held meetings, to confer on the means to 
rid themselves of such unwelcome guests, and there was appear- 
ance of preparation making to that end. The Spaniards had 
as yet no farther asserted dominion, than in taking land for 
their town and forts, and helping themselves to provisions 
when the natives neglected to bring supplies voluntarily. The 
histories of these transactions affect a tone of apprehension on 
account of the extreme danger in which the Spaniards were, 
from the multitude of the heathen inhabitants ; but all the 
facts shew that they perfectly understood the helpless character 
of the natives. A Spanish officer, named Pedro Margarir, was 
blamed, not altogether reasonably, for disorderly conduct to 
the natives, which happened in the following manner. He was 
ordered, with a large body of troops, to make a progress through 
the Island in different parts, and was strictly enjoined to re- 
strain his men from committing any violence against the natives, 
or from giving them any cause for complaint. But the troops 
were sent on their journey without provisions, and the natives 
were not disposed to furnish them. The troops recurred to 
violence, which they did not limit to the obtaining food. If 
Columbus could spare a detachment strong enough to make 

C such 



io DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 



1494. 



chap. 2. such a visitation through the land, he could have entertained 
no doubt of his ability to subdue it. But before he risked 
engaging in open war with the natives, he thought it prudent 
to weaken their means of resisting bj what he called stratagem. 
Hayti was divided into five provinces, or small kingdoms, 
under the separate dominion of as many Princes or Caciques. 
One of these, Coanabo, the Cacique of Moguana, Columbus 
believed to be more resolute, and more dangerous to his pur- 
pose, than any other of the chiefs. To Coanabo, therefore, he 
sent an Officer, to propose an accommodation on terms which 
appeared so reasonable, that the Indian Chief assented to them. 
Afterwards, relying on the good faith of the Spaniards, not, as 
some authors have meanly represented, through credulous and 
childish simplicity, but with the natural confidence which 
generalhv prevails, and which ought to prevail, among mankind 
in their mutual engagements, he gave opportunity for Columbus 
to get possession of his person, who caused him to be seized, 
and embarked in a ship then ready to sail for Spain. The ship 
foundered in the passage. The story of Coanabo, and the 
contempt with which he treated Columbus for his treachery, 
form one of the most striking circumstances in the history of 
1405. the perfidious dealings of the Spaniards in America. On the 

D crs used se i zure °f this Chief, the Islanders rose in arms. Columbus 

in Battle took the field with two hundred foot armed with musketry 

against the . 

Indians, and cross-bows, with twenty troopers mounted on horses, and 
with twenty large dogs * ! 

It is not to be urged in exculpation of the Spaniards, that 
the natives were the aggressors, by their killing the garrison left 
at Hayti. Columbus had terminated his first visit in friendship; 
and, without the knowledge that any breach had happened 
between the Spaniards left behind, and the natives, sentence 
__? 

* Lebieles de pressa. 



IN HISPANIOLA. 11 

of subjugation had been pronounced against them. This was chap, i.^ 
not to avenge injury, for the Spaniards knew not of any com- *495- 
mitted. Columbus was commissioned to execute this sentence, 
and for that end, besides a force of armed men, he took 
with him from Spain a number of blood-hounds, to prosecute 
a most unrighteous purpose by the most inhuman means. 

Many things are justifiable in defence, which in offensive 
war are regarded by the generality of mankind with detestation. 
All are agreed in the use of dogs, as faithful guards to our 
persons as well as to our dwellings; but to hunt men with dogs 
seems to have been till then unheard of, and is nothing less 
offensive to humanity than cannibalism or feasting on our 
enemies. Neither jagged shot, poisoned darts, springing of 
mines, nor any species of destruction, can be objected to, if this 
is allowed in honourable war, or admitted not to be a disgraceful 
practice in any war. 

It was scarcely possible for the Indians, or indeed for any 
people naked and undisciplined, however numerous, to stand 
their ground against a force so calculated to excite dread. The 
Islanders were naturally a timid people, and they regarded 
fire-arms as engines of more than mortal contrivance. Don 
Ferdinand, the son of Columbus, who wrote a History of his 
father's actions, relates an instance, which happened before the 
war, of above 400 Indians running away from a single Spanish 
horseman. So little was attack, or valiant opposition, appre- 
hended from the natives, that Columbus divided his force into 
several squadrons, to charge them at different points. 'These Massacreof 
4 faint-hearted creatures,' says Don Ferdinand, ' fled at the ^Sub- 8 ' 
* first onset; and our men, pursuing and killing them, made jugationof 
' such havock, that in a short time they obtained a complete 
c victory.' The policy adopted by Columbus was, to confirm 
the natives in their dread of European arms, by a terrible 

c 2 execution. 



1* DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 

CHAP - 2 - execution. The victors, both dogs and men, used their ascen- 
ds- dancy like furies. The dogs flew at the throats of the Indians, 
and strangled or tore them in pieces ; whilst the Spaniards, 
with the eagerness of hunters, pursued and mowed down the 
unresisting fugitives. Some thousands of the Islanders were 
slaughtered, and those taken prisoners were consigned to ser- 
vitude. If the fact were not extant, it would not be conceivable 
that any one could be so blind to the infamy of such a pro- 
ceeding, as to extol the courage of the Spaniards on this 
occasion, instead of execrating their cruelty. Three hundred 
of the natives were shipped for Spain as slaves, and the whole 
Island, with the exception of a small part towards the Western 
coast, which has since been named the Cul de Sac, was subdued. 
Tribute Columbus made a leisurely progress through the Island, which 
imposed, occupied, him nine or ten months, and imposed a tribute 
generally upon all the natives above the age of fourteen, 
requiring each of them to pay quarterly a certain quantity of 
gold, or 25 lbs. of cotton. Those natives who were discovered to 
have been active against the Spaniards, were taxed higher. To 
prevent evasion, rings or tokens, to be produced in the nature of 
receipts, were given to the Islanders on their paying the tribute, 
and any Islander found without such a mark in his possession, 
was deemed not to have paid, and proceeded against. 

Queen Ysabel shewed her disapprobation of Columbus's 
proceedings, by liberating and sending back the captive Islanders 
to their own country ; and she moreover added her positive 
commands, that none of the natives should be made slaves. 
This order was accompanied with others intended for their 
protection ; but the Spanish Colonists, following the example 
of their Governor, contrived means to evade them. 

In the mean time, the Islanders could not furnish the 
tribute, and Columbus was rigorous in the collection. It is 

said 



v 



IN HISPANIOLA. 13 

said in palliation, that he was embarrassed in consequence , CHAP - 2 ; 

of the magnificent descriptions he had given to Ferdinand and 14 95- 

Ysabel, of the riches of Hispa?iiola, by which he had taught 

them to expect much ; and that the fear of disappointing them 

and losing their favour, prompted him to act more oppressively 

to the Indians than his disposition otherwise inclined him to 

do. Distresses of this kind press upon all men ; but only in 

very ordinary minds do they outweigh solemn considerations. 

Setting aside the dictates of religion and moral duty, as 

doubtless was done, and looking only to worldly advantages, 

if Columbus had properly estimated his situation, he would 

have been resolute not to descend from the eminence he had 

attained. The dilemma in which he was placed, was simply, 

whether he would risk some diminution of the favour he was in 

at Court, by being the protector of these Islanders, who, by 

circumstances peculiarly calculated to engage his interest, 

were entitled in an especial manner to have been regarded as 

his clients; or, to preserve that favour, would oppress them 

to their destruction, and to the ruin of his own fame. 

The Islanders, finding their inability to oppose the invaders, Despair of 
took the desperate resolution to desist from the cultivation of t eJNatlves - 
their lands, to abandon their houses, and to withdraw them- 
selves to the mountains; hoping thereby that want of subsistence 
would force their oppressors to quit the Island. The Spaniards 
had many resources ; the sea-coast supplied them with fish, and 
their vessels brought provisions from other islands. As to the 
natives of Hayti, one third part of them, it is said, perished in 
the course of a few months, by famine aud by suicide. The 
rest returned to their dwellings, and submitted. All these events 
took place within three years after the discovery; so active 
is rapacity. 

Some among the Spaniards (authors of that time say, the 

enemies 



14 DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 

chap. 2. enemies of Columbus, as if sentiments of humanity were not 

1495. capable of such an effort) wrote Memorials to their Catholic 
Majesties, representing the disastrous condition to which the 
natives were reduced. Commissioners were sent to examine 

1496. into the fact, and Columbus found it necessary to go to Spain 
to defend his administration. 

So great was the veneration and respect entertained for him, 
that on his arrival at Court, accusation was not allowed to be 
produced against him: and, without instituting enquiry, it was 
arranged, that he should return to his government with a large 
reinforcement of Spaniards, and with authority to grant lands 
to whomsoever he chose to think capable of cultivating them. 
Various accidents delayed his departure from Spain on his 
third voyage, till 1498. 

£- lt y f He had left two of his brothers to govern in Hispaniola during 

JNueva }-jj s absence; the eldest, Bartolome, with the title of Adelantado; 

YsaUel 

founoed, in whose time (a.d. 1496) was traced, on the South side of the 

149 Island, the plan of a new town intended for the capital, the 

land in the neighbourhood of the town of Ysabel, before built, 

being poor arid little productive. The name first given to the 

Its name new town was Nueva Ysabel; this in a short time gave place 

changed to to that of Santo Domingo, a name which was not imposed by 

Domingo, authority, but adopted and became in time established by 

common usage, of which the original cause is not now known*. 

Under the Adelantado's government, the parts of the Island 

which till then had held out in their refusal to receive the 

Spanish yoke, were reduced to subjection; and the conqueror 

gratified his vanity with the public execution of one of the 

Hayti Kings. 

Columbus 



. * The name Saint Domingo was afterwards applied to the whole Island by 
the French, who, whilst they contested the possession with the Spaniards, were 
desirous to supersede the use of the name Espanola or Hispaniola. 



IN HISPANIOLA. 15 

Columbus whilst he was in Spain received mortification in cha p. 2. 
two instances, of neither of which he had any right to com- l4 gQ t 
plain. In October 1496, three hundred natives of Hayti (made 
prisoners by the Adelantado) were landed at Cadiz, being sent 
to Spain as slaves. At this act of disobedience, the King and 
Queen strongly expressed their displeasure, and said, if the 
Islanders made war against the Castilians, they must have 
been constrained to do it by hard treatment. Columbus 
thought proper to blame, and to disavow what his brother had 
done. The other instance of his receiving mortification, was an 
act of kindness done him, and so intended ; and it was the 
only shadow of any thing like reproof offered to him. In the 
instructions which he now received, it was earnestly recom- 
mended to him to prefer conciliation to severity on all occasions 
which would admit it without prejudice to justice or to his 
honour. 

It was in the third voyage of Columbus that he first saw the 1498. 
Continent of South America, in August 1498, which he then 
took to be an Island, and named Isla Santa. He arrived on 
the 22d of the same month at the City of San Domingo. 

The short remainder of Columbus's government in Hayti was 
occupied with disputes among the Spaniards themselves. A 
strong party was in a state of revolt against the government of 
the Columbuses, and accommodation was kept at a distance, 
by neither parly daring to place trust in the other. Columbus 
would have had recourse to arms to recover his authority, but 
some of his troops deserted to the disaffected, and others re- • 1498-9. 
fused to be employed against their countrymen. In this state, 
the parties engaged in a treaty on some points, and each sent 
Memorials to the Court. The Admiral in his dispatches re- 
presented, that necessity had made him consent to certain 
conditions, to avoid endangering the Colony ; but that it would 

be 



16 DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 



CHAP. 2. 



be highly prejudicial to the interests of their Majesties to ratify 
1498-Q. the treaty he had been forced to subscribe. 
Beginning The Admiral now made grants of lands to Spanish colonists, 
of the anc j accompanied them with requisitions to the neighbouring 

Repartimientos. a •• 00 

Caciques, to furnish the new proprietors with labourers to 
cultivate the soil. This was the beginning of the Repartimientos, 
or distributions of the Indians, which confirmed them slaves, 
and contributed, more than all former oppressions, to their 
extermination. Notwithstanding the earnest and express order 
of the King and Queen to the contrary, the practice of trans- 
porting the natives of Hayti to Spain as slaves, was connived 
at and continued ; and this being discovered, lost Columbus 
the confidence, but not wholly the support, of Queen Ysabel. 
1500. The dissensions in the Colony increased, as did the unpopu- 

Govem- larity of the Admiral; and in the year 1500, a new Governor 
Bovadilla. General of the Indies, Francisco de Bovadilla, was sent from 
Spain, with a commission empowering him to examine into the 
accusations against the Admiral ; and he was particularly 
enjoined by the Queen, to declare all the native inhabitants 
free, and to take measures to secure to them that they should 
be treated as a free people. How a man so grossly ignorant 
and intemperate as Bovadilla, should have been chosen to an 
office of such high trust, is not a little extraordinary. His first 
display of authority was to send the Columbuses home prisoners, 
with the indignity to their persons of confining them in chains. 
He courted popularity in his government by shewing favour 
to all who had been disaffected to the government or measures 
of the Admiral and his brothers, the natives excepted, for whose 
relief he had been especially appointed Governor. To encourage 
the Spaniards to work the mines, he reduced the duties payable 
to the Crown on the produce, and trusted to an increase in the 
quantity of gold extracted, for preserving the revenue from 

diminution, 



IN HISPANIOLA. 17 

diminution. This was to be effected by increasing the labour chap. 2. 
of the natives; and that these miserable people might not 1500. 
evade their servitude, he caused muster-rolls to be made of all -All the 

.Natives 

the inhabitants, divided them into classes, and made distri- compelled 

bution of them according to the value of the mines, or to his t0 ™? rk the 

b Mines. 

desire to gratify particular persons. The Spanish Colonists 
believed that the same facilities to enrich themselves would 
not last long, and made all the haste in their power to profit 
by the present opportunity. 

IBy these means, Bovadilla drew from the mines in a few 
months so great a quantity of gold, that one fleet which he sent 
home, carried a freight more than sufficient to reimburse Spain 
all the expences which had been incurred in the discovery and 
conquest. The procuring these riches was attended with so 
great a mortalit} r among the natives as to threaten their utter 
extinction. 

Nothing could exceed the surprise and indignation of the 
Queen, on receiving information of these proceedings. The 
bad government of Bovadilla was a kind of palliation which 
had the effect of lessening the reproach upon the preceding 
government, and, joined to the disgraceful manner in which 
Columbus had been sent home, produced a revolution of sen- 
timent in his favour. The good Queen Ysabel wished to com- 
pensate him for the hard treatment he had received, at the 
same time that she had the sincerity to make him understand 
she would not again commit the Indian natives to his care. 
All his other offices and dignities were restored to him. 

For a successor to Bovadilla in the office of Governor 1501-2. 
General, Don Nicolas Ovando, a Cavalero of the Order of Ovando 
Alcantara, was chosen; a man esteemed capable and just, and Governor, 
who entered on his government with apparent mildness and 
consideration. But in a short time he proved the most execrable 

D of 



18 DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 

chap. a. of all the tyrants, 'as if,' says an historian, s tyranny was 
0l2 ' inherent and contagious in the office, so as to change good 
' men to bad, for the destruction of these unfortunate 
* Indians/ 

In obedience to his instructions, O van do, on arriving at his 

government, called a General Assembly of all the Caciques or 

principal persons among the natives, to whom he declared, 

that their Catholic Majesties took the Islanders under their 

royal protection ; that no exaction should be made on them, 

other than the tribute which had been heretofore imposed ; and 

that no person should be employed to work in the mines, 

except on the footing of voluntary labourers for wages. 

15o2< On the promulgation of the royal pleasure, all working in 

Working the mines immediately ceased. The impression made by their 

discon- P ast sufferings was too strong for any offer of pay or reward to 

tinuedby prevail on them to continue in that work. [The same thing 

Spain, happened, many years afterwards, between the Chilese and the 

Spaniards.] A few mines had been allowed to remain in 

possession of some of the Caciques of Hayti, on the condition 

of rendering up half the produce; but now, instead of working 

them, they sold their implements. In consequence of this 

defection, it was judged expedient to lower the royal duties 

on the produce of the mines, which produced some effect. 

Ovando, however, was intent on procuring the mines to be 
worked as heretofore, but proceeded with caution. In his 
dispatches to the Council of the Indies, he represented in 
strong colours the natural levity and inconstancy of the 
Indians, and their idle and disorderly manner of living ; on 
which account, he said, it would be for their improvement 
and benefit to find them occupation in moderate labour ; that 
there would be no injustice in so doing, as they would receive 
wages for their work, and they would thereby be enabled to 

pay 



IN HISPANIOLA. 19 



CHAP. 2. 



pay the tribute, which otherwise, from their habitual idleness, 
many would not be able to satisfy. He added moreover, that 1502. 
the Indians, being left entirely their own masters, kept at a 
distance from the Spanish habitations, which rendered it im- 
possible to instruct them in the principles of Christianity. 

This reasoning, and the proposal to furnish the natives with 
employment, were approved by the Council of the Indies ; and 
the Court, from the opinion entertained of the justice and 
moderation of Ovando, acquiesced so far as to trust making 
the experiment to his discretion. In reply to his representa- 
tions, he received instructions recommending, ' That if it was 

* necessary to oblige the Indians to work, it should be done 

* in the most gentle and moderate manner ; that the Caciques 
4 should be invited to send their people in regular turns ; and 
' that the employers should treat them well, and pay them 

* wages, according to the quality of the person and nature of 

* the labour ; that care should be taken for their regular 
' attendance at religious service and instruction ; and that it 

* should be remembered they were a free people, to be 

* governed with mildness, and on no account to be treated as 

* slaves/ 

These directions, notwithstanding the expressions of care for i5° 2 -3- 

The Natives 

the natives contained in them, released the Governor General ao - a in forced 
from all restriction. This man had recently been appointed £} tlle 
Grand Master of the order of Calatrava, and thenceforward he 
was most generally distinguished by the appellation or title of 
the Grand Commander. 

A transaction of a shocking nature, which took place during 
Bovadilla's government, caused an insurrection of the natives; 
but which did not break out till after the removal of Bovadilla. 
A Spanish vessel had put into a port of the province of Higuey 
(the most Eastern part of Hayti) to procure a lading of cassava, 

d 2 a root 



20 DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 



CHAP. 2. 



a root which is used as bread. The Spaniards landed, having 

1502-3. with them a large dog held by a cord* Whilst the natives 

were helping them to what they wanted, one of the Spaniards 

in wanton insolence pointed to a Cacique, and called to the 

dog in manner of setting him on. The Spaniard who held the 

cord, it is doubtful whether purposely or by accident, suffered 

it to slip out of his hand, and the dog instantly tore out the 

unfortunate Cacique's entrails. The people of Higuey sent a 

deputation, to complain to Bovadilla; but those who went 

could not obtain attention. In the beginning of Ovando's 

government, some other Spaniards landed at the same port of 

Higuey, and the natives, in revenge for what had happened, fell 

upon them, and killed them ; after which they took to arms. 

Severities This insurrection was quelled with so great a slaughter, that 

the people the province, from having been well peopled, was rendered 

of Higuey. almost a desert. 

Ovando, on obtaining his new instructions, followed the model 

set by his predecessors. He enrolled and classed the natives in 

divisions, 'called Repartimientos : from these he assigned to the 

1503. Spanish proprietors a specified number of labourers, by grants, 

Encomiendas which, with most detestable hypocrisy, were denominated 
established. r . ' . 

Encomiendas. 1 he word Encomienda signifies recommendation, 

and the employer to whom the Indian was consigned, was to 

have the reputation of being his patron. The Encomienda was 

conceived in the following terms : — ' I recommend to A. B. 

i such and such Indians (listed by name) the subjects of suck 

4 Cacique ; and he is to take care to have them instructed in the 

6 principles of our holy faith.' 

Under the enforcement of the encomiendas, the natives were 

again dragged to the mines ; and many of these unfortunate 

wretches were kept by their hard employers under ground for 

six months together. With the labour, and grief at being 

again 



IN HISPANIOLA. 



21 



again doomed to slavery, they sunk so rapidly, that it suggested 
to the murderous proprietors of the mines the having recourse 
to Africa for slaves. Ovando, after small experience of this 
practice, endeavoured to oppose it as dangerous, the Africans 
frequently escaping from their masters, and finding concealment 
among the natives, in whom they excited some spirit of 
resistance. 

The ill use made by the Grand Commander of the powers 
with which he had been trusted, appears to have reached the 
Court early, for, in 1503, he received fresh orders, enjoining 
him not to allow, on any pretext, the natives to be employed in 
labour against their own will, either in the mines or elsewhere. 
Ovando, however, trusted to being supported by the Spanish 
proprietors of the mines within his government, who grew rich 
by the encomiendas, and with their assistance he found pre- 
tences for not restraining- himself to the orders of the Court. 

In parts of the Island, the Caciques still enjoyed a degree 
of authority over the natives, which rested almost wholly on 
habitual custom and voluntary attachment. To loosen this 
band, Ovando, assuming the character of a protector, published 
ordonnances to release the lower classes from the oppressions 
of the Caciques; but from those of their European taskmasters 
he gave them no relief. 

Some of the principal among the native inhabitants of 
Xaragua, the South-western province of Hayti, had the 
hardiness openly to express their discontent at the tyranny 
exercised by the Spaniards established in that province. The 
person at this time regarded as Cacique or Chief of Xaragua 
was a female, sister to the last Cacique, who had died without 
issue. The Spanish histories call her Queen of Xaragua. This 
Princess had shewn symptoms of something like abhorrence 
of the Spaniards near her, and they did not fail to send repre- 
sentations 



CHAP. 2. 

1 v 

1503. 

African 

Slaves 

carried to 

the West 

Indies. 



22 DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 

c h a p. 2. sentations to the Grand Commander, with the addition, that there 
1503. appeared indications of an intention in the Xaraguans to revolt. 
On receiving this notice, Ovando determined that Xaragua, 
as Higuey had before, should feel the weight of his displeasure. 
Putting himself at the head of 370 Spanish troops, part of them 
cavalry, he departed from the city of San Domingo for the 
devoted province, giving out publicly, that his intention was 
to make a progress into the West, to collect the tribute, and to 
visit the Queen of Xaragua. He was received by the Princess 
and her people with honours, feastings, and all the demon- 
strations of joy usually acted by terrified people with the hopes 
of soothing tyranny ; and the troops were regaled with profusion 
1503-4. of victuals, with dancing, and shows. After some days thus 
spent, Ovando invited the Princess, her friends and attendants, 
to an entertainment which he promised them, after the manner 
of Spain. A large open public building was the chosen place 
for holding this festival, and all the Spanish settlers in the 
province were required to attend. A great concourse of 
Indians, besides the bidden guests, crowded round, to enjoy 
the spectaclt. As the appointed time approached, the Spanish 
infantry gradually appeared, and took possession of all the 
avenues; which being secured, this Grand Commander himself 
Massacre appeared, mounted at the head of his cavalry; and on his 
of the making a signal, which had been previously concerted, which 

people of . . /1 ' ' • 

Xaragua. was laying his hand on the Cross of his Order, the whole of 
these diabolical conquerors fell upon the defenceless multitude, 
who were so hemmed in, that thousands were slaughtered, and 
it was scarcely possible for any to escape unwounded. Some 
of the principal Indians or Caciques, it is said, w r ere by the 
Commander's order fastened to the pillars of the building, where 
they were questioned, and made to confess themselves in 
a conspiracy against the Spanish government; after which. 

confession 



IN HISPANIOLA. 



23 



confession the building was set on fire, and they perished in the 
flames. The massacre did not stop here. Detachments of troops, 
with dogs, were sent to hunt and destroy the natives in different 
parts of the province, and some were pursued over to the 
Island Gonave. The Princess was carried bound to the city 
of San Domingo, and with the forms of law was tried, con^ 
demned, and put tU death. 

The purposes, besides that of gratifying his revenge for the 
hatred shewn to his government, which were sufficient to move 
Ovando to this bloody act, were, the plunder of the province, 
and the reduction of the Islanders to a more manageable 
number, and to the most unlimited submission. Some of the 
Indians fled to the mountains. * But,' say the Spanish Chro- 
nicles of these events, ' in a short time their Chiefs were taken 

* and punished, and at the end of six months there was not a 
' native living on the Island who had not submitted to the 

* dominion of the Spaniards/ 

Queen Ysabel died in November 1504, much and univer- 
sally lamented. This Princess bore a large share in the 
usurpations practised in the New World; but it is evident she 
was carried away, contrary to her real principles and disposition, 
which were just and benevolent, and to her own happiness, by 
the powerful stream of general opinion. 

In Europe, political principles, or maxims of policy, have 
been in continual change, fashioned by the nature of the pass- 
ing events, no less than dress has been by caprice ; causes which 
have led one to deviate from plain rectitude, as the other from 
convenience. One principle, covetousness of the attainment of 
power, has nevertheless constantly predominated, and has derided 
and endeavoured to stigmatize as weakness and imbecility, the 
stopping short of great acquisitions, territorial especially, for 
moral considerations. Queen Ysabel lived surrounded by a 

world 



CHAP. 2. 



1503-4- 



1504. 



Death of 
Queen 

Ysabel. 



24 DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 

chap. 2. world of such politicians, who were moreover stimulated to 
~^T7~ avarice by the prospect of American gold ; a passion which 
jet more than ambition is apt to steel the heart of man against 
the calls of justice and the distresses of his fellow creatures. 
If Ysabel had been endued with more than mortal fortitude, 
she might have refused her sanction to the usurpations, but 
could not have prevented them. On her death bed she earnestly 
recommended to King Ferdinand to recal Ovaudo. Ovando, 
however, sent home much gold, and Ferdinand referred to a 
distant time the fulfilment of her dying request. 

Upon news of the death of Queen Ysabel, the small wages 
which had been paid the Indians for their labour, amounting 
to about half a piastre per month, were withheld, as being too 
grievous a burthen on the Spanish Colonists ; and the hours of 
labour were no longer limited. In the province of Higuey, 
the tyranny and licentiousness of the military again threw the 
poor natives into a frenzy of rage and despair, and they once 
1506. more revolted, burnt the fort, and killed the soldiers. Ovando 
resolved to put it out of the power of the people of Higuey 
ever again to be troublesome. A strong body of troops was 
marched into the province, the Cacique of Higuey (the last of 
the Hayti Kings) was taken prisoner and executed, and the 
province pacified. 

The pecuniary value of grants of land in Hayti with 

encomiendas, became so considerable as to cause them to be 

coveted and solicited for by many of the grandees and 

favourites of the Court in Spain, who, on obtaining them, sent 

D erat out agents to turn them to account.. The agent was to make 

condition his own fortune by his employment, and to satisfy his prin- 

Matives. c 'P a l« I n no instance were the natives spared through any 

interference of the Grand Commander. It was a maxim with 

this bad man, always to keep well with the powerful ; and every 

thing 



IN HISPANIOLA. <25 

thing respecting the natives was yielded to their accommo- chap. 2 -, 
dation. Care, however, was taken that the Indians should be 1506. 
baptised, and that a head tax should be paid to the Crown ; 
and these particulars being complied with, the rest was left to 
the patron of the encomienda. Punishments and tortures of 
every kind were practised, to wring labour out of men who 
were dying through despair. Some of the accounts, which are 
corroborated by circumstances, relate, that the natives were 
frequently coupled and harnessed like cattle, and driven with 
whips. If they fell under their load, they were flogged up. 
To prevent their taking refuge in the woods or mountains, 
an officer, under the title of Alguazil del Campo, was constantly 
on the watch with a pack of hounds ; and many Indians, in 
endeavouring to escape, were torn in pieces. The settlers on 
the Island, the great men at home, their agents, and the royal 
revenue, were all to be enriched at the expence of the de- 
struction of the natives. It was as if the discovery of America 
had changed the religion of the Spaniards from Christianity 
to the worship of gold with human sacrifices. If power were 
entitled to dominion between man and man, as between man 
and other animals,'the Spaniards would remain chargeable with 
the most outrageous abuse of their advantages. In enslaving 
the inhabitants of Hayti, if they had been satisfied with 
reducing them to the state of cattle, it would have been 
merciful, comparatively with what was done. The labour im- 
posed by mankind upon their cattle, is in general so regulated 
as not to exceed what is compatible with their full enjoyment 
of health ; but the main consideration with the Spanish pro- 
prietors was, by what means they should obtain the greatest 
quantity of gold from the labour of the natives in the shortest 
time. By an enumeration made in the year 1507, the number 
of the natives in the whole Island Hayti was reckoned at 

E 60,000, 



26 DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS . 

chap. 2. 60,000, the remains of a population which fifteen years before 
150 g exceeded a million. The insatiate colonists did not stop: many 
of the mines lay unproductive for want of labourers, and they 
bent their efforts to the supplying this defect. 
The Grand The Islands of the West Indies have been classed into three 
Antilles, divisions, which chiefly regard their situations; but they are 
distinguished also by other peculiar circumstances. The four 
largest Islands, Cuba, Hayti, Jamaica, and Porto Rico, have been 
called the Grand Antilles. When first discovered by Europeans, 
they were inhabited by people whose similarity of language, of 
customs, and character, bespoke them the offspring of one 
Small common stock. The second division is a chain of small Islands 
" Caribbee r Eastward of these, and extending South to the coast of Paria 
Islands, on the Continent of South America. They have been called some- 
times the Small Antilles; sometimes after the native inhabitants, 
the Caribbee Islands; and not less frequently by a subdivision, 
the Windward and Leeward Islands. The inhabitants on these 
Islands were a different race from the inhabitants of the 
Grand Antilles. They spoke a different language, were robust 
in person ; and in disposition fierce, active, and warlike. Some 
have conjectured them to be of Tartar extraction, which cor- 
responds with the belief that they emigrated from North America 
to the West Indies. It is supposed they drove out the original 
inhabitants from the Small Antilles, to establish themselves 
there ; but they had not gained footing in the large Islands. 
Lucayas, The third division of the Islands is the cluster which are 
^Islands" 1 ** situated to the North of Cuba, and near East Florida, and are 
called the Lucayas, of whose inhabitants mention will shortly 
be made. 

The Spanish Government participated largely in the wicked- 
ness practised to procure labourers for the mines of Hispaniola. 
Pretending great concern for the cause of humanity, they 

declared 



IN HISPANIOLA. 27 

declared it legal, and gave general license, for any individual cha p. 2. 
to make war against, and enslave, people who were cannibals; 150 5_ 
under which pretext every nation, both of the American 
Continent and of the Islands, was exposed to their enterprises. 
Spanish adventurers made attempts to take people from the 
small Antilles, sometimes with success ; but they were not 
obtained without danger, and in several expeditions of the 
kind, the Spaniards were repulsed with loss. This made them 
turn their attention to the Lucayas Islands. 

The inhabitants of the Lucayas, an unsuspicious and credulous 1 5°$' 
people, did not escape the snares laid for them. Ovando, in 
his dispatches to Spain, represented the benefit it would be to 
the holy faith, to have the inhabitants of the Lucayas instructed 
in the Christian religion ; for which purpose, he said, ' it would 
' be necessary they should be transported to Hispaniola, as 
' Missionaries could not be spared to every place, and there 
c was no other way in which this abandoned people could be 
* converted/ King Ferdinand and the Council of the Indies The 
were themselves so abandoned and destitute of all goodness, as }lZ es 

* ' of the 

to pretend to give credit to Ovando's representation, and lent Lucayas 
him their authority to sacrifice the Lucayans, under the pretext theMmes • 
of advancing religion. Spanish ships were sent to the Islands 
on this business, and the natives were at first inveigled on 
board by the foulest hypocrisy and treachery. Among the 
artifices used by the Spaniards, they pretended that they came 
from a delicious country, where rested the souls of the deceased 
fathers, kinsmen, and friends, of the Lucayans, who had sent 
to invite them. The innocent Islanders so seduced to follow 
the Spaniards, when, on arriving at Hispaniola^ they found how 
much they had been abused, died in great numbers of chagrin 
and grief. Afterwards, when these impious pretences of the and the 
Spaniards were no longer believed, they dragged away the w hol]y 

E 2 natives unpeopled. 



28 DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 

cjTa p. 2. natives by force, as long as any could be found, till they 

15 08. wholly unpeopled the Lucayas Islands. The Buccaneers of 
America, whose adventures and misdeeds are about to be re- 
lated, may be esteemed saints in comparison with the men 
whose names have been celebrated as the Conquerors of the 
New World. 

In the same manner as at the Lucayas, other Islands of the 
West Indies, and different parts of the Continent, were resorted to 
for recruits. A pearl fishery was established, in which the Indians 
were not more spared as divers, than on the land as miners. 

Porto Rico was conquered at this time. Ore had been 
brought thence, which was not so pure as that of Hayti; but 
it was of sufficient value to determine Ovando to the conquest 
Fate of the of the Island. The Islanders were terrified by the carnage 
InlSints wmcn the Spaniards with their dogs made in the commencement 
of of the war, and, from the fear of irritating them by further 
' resistance, they yielded wholly at discretion, and were imme- 
diately sent to the mines, where in a short time they all 
perished. In the same year with Porto Pico, the Island of 
Jamaica was taken possession of by the Spaniards. 

1509. Ovando was at length recalled, and was succeeded in the 
Coiumbus government of Hispaniola by Don Diego Columbus, the eldest 

Governor son anc j inheritor of the rights and titles of the Admiral 
Hispaniola. Christopher. To conclude with Ovando, it is related that he 
was regretted by his countrymen in the Indies, and was well 
received at Court. 

Don Diego did not make any alteration in the reparti- 
mientos, except that some of them changed hands in favour 
of his ovn adherents. During his government, some fathers 
of the Dominican Order had the courage to inveigh from 
the pulpit against the enormity of the repartimientos, and 
were so persevering in their representations, that the Court of 

Spain 



IN HISPANIOLA. 29 



CHAP. 2. 



Spain found it necessary, to avoid scandal, to order an enquiry 
into the condition of the Indians. In this enquiry it was 
seriously disputed, whether it was just or unjust to make them 
slaves. 

The Histories of Hispaniola first notice about this time a 1 5 11 - 
great increase in the number of cattle in fhe Island. As the Incr ^se 
human race disappeared, less and less land was occupied in Cattle 
husbandry, till almost the whole country became pasturage m Ha y u - 
for cattle, by far the greater part of which were wild. An 
ordonnance, issued in the year 1511, specified, that as beasts 
of burthen were so much multiplied, the Indians should not 
be made to carry or drag heavy loads. 

In 1511, the conquest of Cuba was undertaken and com- Cuba. 
pleted. The terror conceived of the Spaniards is not to be 
expressed. The story of the conquest is related in a Spanish 
history in the following terms : ' A leader was chosen, who 

* had acquitted himself in high employments with fortune and 

* good conduct. He had in other respects amiable qualities, 
' and was esteemed a man of honour and rectitude. He went 
' from S. Domingo with regular troops and above. 300 volun- 
6 teers. He landed in Cuba, not without opposition from the 
' natives. In a few days, he surprised and took the principal 
4 Cacique, named Hatuey, prisoner, and made him expiate in 
i the flames the fault he had been guilty of in not submitting with 
6 a good grace to the conqueror.' This Cacique, when at the 
stake, being importuned b} r a Spanish priest to become a 
Christian, that he might go to Heaven, replied, that if 
any Spaniard was to be met in Heaven, he hoped not to 
go there. 

The Reader will be detained a very little longer with these 1514 , 
irksome scenes. In 1514, the number of the inhabitants 
of Hayti was reckoned 14,000. A distributor of Indians was 

appointed. 



30 DOMINION OF THE SPANIARDS 

chap. 2. appointed, with powers independent of the Governor, with 
intention to save the few remaining natives of Hayti. The 
new distributor began the exercise of his office by a general 
revocation of all the encomiendas, except those which had been 
granted by the King ; and almost immediately afterwards, in 
the most open and shameless manner, he made new grants, and 
1515. sold them to the highest bidder. He was speedily recalled ; 
and another (the Licentiate Ybarra) was sent to supply his 
place, who had a high character for probity and resolution; 
but he died immediately on his arrival at Santo Domingo, and 
not without suspicion that he was poisoned. 

The endeavours of the Dominican Friars in behalf of the 

Bart, de las natives were seconded by the Licentiate Bartolomeo de las 

Cardinal Casas, and by Cardinal Ximenes when he became Prime 

Ximenes; Minister of Spain; and, to their great honour, they were both 

their .., , . . 

endeavours resolute to exert all their power to preserve the natives or 
to serve America. The Cardinal sent Commissioners, and with them 

the Indians. 

The las Casas, with the title of Protector of the Indians. But the 
Cardinal Cardinal died in 1517; after which all the exertions of las Casas 

dies. 

and the Dominicans could not shake the repartimientos. 
1519. At length, among the native Islanders there sprung up one 

who had the courage to put himself at the head of a number 
of his countrymen, and the address to withdraw with them 
from the gripe of the Spaniards, and to find refuge among the 
mountains. This man was the son, and, according to the laws 
of inheritance, should have been the successor, of one of the 
Cacique- principal Caciques. He had been christened by the name of 
Hennquez. Henriquez, and, in consequence of a regulation made by the 
late Queen Ysabel of Castile, he had been educated, on ac- 
count of his former rank, in a Convent of the Franciscans. He 
defended his retreat in the mountains by skilful management 
and resolute conduct, and had the good fortune in the com- 
mencement 



IN HISPANIOLA. 31 

mencement to defeat some parties of Spanish troops sent chap. 2. 
against him, which encouraged more of his countrymen, and ' 
as many of the Africans as could escape, to flock to him; and 
under his government, as of a sovereign prince, they withstood 
the attempts of the Spaniards to subdue them. Fortunately 
for Henriquez and his followers, the conquest and settlement 
of Cuba, and the invasion of Mexico, which was begun at this 
time, lessened the strength of the Spaniards in HispanioJa, and 
enabled the insurgents for many years to keep all the Spanish 
settlements in the Island in continual alarm, and to maintain 
their own independence. 

During this time, the question of the propriety of keeping 
the Islanders in slavery, underwent grave examinations. It is 
related that the experiment was tried, of allowing a number 
of the natives to build themselves two villages, to live in them 
according to their own customs and liking ; and that the result 
was, they were found to be so improvident, and so utterly 
unable to take care of themselves, that the encomiendas were 
pronounced to be necessary for their preservation. Such an 
experiment is a mockery. Before the conquest, and now under 
Don Henriquez, the people of Hayti shewed they wanted not 
the Spaniards to take care of them. 



32 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. III. 

Ships of different European Nations frequent the West Indies. 
Opposition experienced by them from the Spaniards. Hunting 
of Cattle in Hispaniola. 

chap. 3. TN the year 1517 or 1518, some Spaniards in a caravela 

going from St. Domingo to the Island Porto Rico, to take 

in a lading of cassava, were surprised at seeing a ship there 

151 8. of about 250 tons, armed with cannon, which did not appear 

Adventure i Q belong to the Spanish nation; and on sending a boat to 

English make enquiry, she was found to be English. The account 

P* given by the English Commander was, that two ships had 

sailed from England in company, with the intention to discover 

the country of the Great Cham ; that they were soon separated 

from each other by a tempest, and that this ship was afterwards 

in a sea almost covered with ice; that thence she had sailed 

southward to Brasil, and, after various adventures, had found 

the way to Porto Rico. This same English ship, being provided 

with merchandise, went afterwards to Hispaniola, and anchored 

near the entrance of the port of San Domingo, where the 

Captain sent on shore to demand leave to sell their goods. 

The demand was forwarded to the Audiencia, or superior 

court in San Domingo; but the Castellana, or Governor of the 

Castle, Francisco de Tapia, could not endure with patience 

to see a ship of another nation in that part of the world, and, 

without waiting for the determination of the Audiencia, ordered 

the cannon of the fort to be fired against her; on which she 

took up her anchor and returned to Porto Rico, where she 

purchased provisions, paying for what she got with wrought 

iron s 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. S3 

iron, and afterwards departed for Europe*. When this visit , CHAP - 3- 
of an English ship to the West Indies was known in Spain, 15x8. 
it caused there great inquietude; and the Governor of the 
Castle of San Domingo, it is said, was much blamed, because 
he had not, instead of forcing the ship to depart by firing his 
cannon, contrived to seize her, so that no one might have 
returned to teach others of their nation the route to the 
Spanish Indies. 

The English were not the only people of whom the Spaniards 
had cause to be jealous, nor those from whom the most mis- 
chief was to be apprehended. The French, as already noticed, The French 
had very early made expeditions to Brasil, and they now began %™ Q 
to look at the West Indies; so that in a short time the sight of resort to 

the West 

other European ships than those of Spain became no novelty indies • 
there. Hakluyt mentions a Thomas Tyson, an Englishman, 
who went to the West Indies in 1526, as factor to some English 

merchants. When the Spaniards met any of these intruders, if ■ J e , 

r J ' regarded as 

able to master them, they made prisoners of them, and many Interlopers 
they treated as pirates. The new comers soon began to retaliate. Spaniards 
In 1529, the Governor and Council at San Domingo drew up i 52 p. 
the plan of a regulation for the security of their ships against Re g ulatI °n 

. proposed 

the increasing dangers from pirates in the West Indies. In this, by the Go- 
they recommended, that a central port of commerce should be H^nioia 1 
established in the West Indies, to which every ship from Spain forprotec- 
should be obliged to go first, as to a general rendezvous, and Pirates. 
thence be dispatched, as might suit circumstances, to her 
farther destination ; also, that all their ships homeward bound, 
from whatsoever part of the West Indies, should first rendezvous 
at the same port; by which regulation their ships, both outward 

and 

* Historia General de las Indias, por Gong. Hernandez de Oviedo, lib. lcj. 
cap. 13. Also Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 4Q9, edit. 1600, 

F 



34 HISTORY OF THE 

CHAP. 3. 



1529. 



and homeward bound, would form escorts to each other, and 
have the benefit of mutual "support; and they proposed that 
some port in Hispaniola should be appointed for the purpose, 
as most conveniently situated. This plan appears to have been 
approved by the Council of the Indies; but, from indolence, 
or some other cause, no farther measures were taken for its 
adoption. 

The attention of the Spaniards was at this time almost wholly 
engrossed by the conquest and plunder of the American Conti- 
nent, which it might have been supposed would have sufficed 
them, according to the opinion of Francisco Preciado, a Spanish 
discoverer, who observed, that there was country enough to conquer 
for a thousand years. The continental pursuits caused much 
diminution in the importance of the West India Islands to the 
Spaniards. The mines of the Islands were not comparable in 
richness with those of the Continent, and, for want of labourers, 
many were left unworked. The colonists in Hispaniola., however, 
had applied themselves to the cultivation of the sugar-cane, and 
Hunting of to manufacture sugar; also to hunting cattle, which was found 
v^atne m a p ro £ital>le employment, the skins and the suet turning to 

Hispaniola. r - l J ' ° 

good account. The Spaniards denominated their hunters 
Matadores. Matadores, which in the Spanish language signifies killers or 
slaughterers. 

That the English, French, and Hollanders, in their early 
voyages to the West Indies, went in expectation of meeting 
hostility from the Spaniards, and with a determination there- 
fore to commit hostility if they could with advantage, appears 
by an ingenious phrase of the French adventurers, who, if 
the first opportunity was in their favour, termed their profiting 
by it ' se dedomager par avance.' 

Much of Hispaniola had become desert. There were long 
ranges of coast, with good ports, that were unfrequented by 

any 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 35 

any inhabitant whatever, and the land in every part abounded chap. 3. 
with cattle. These were such great conveniencies to the ships 
of the interlopers, that the Western coast, which was the most 
distant part from the Spanish capital, became a place of com- 
mon resort to them when in want of provisions. Another 
great attraction to them was the encouragement they received 
from Spanish settlers along the coast; who, from the con- 
tracted and monopolizing spirit of their government in the 
management of their colonies, have at all times been eager to 
have communication with foreigners, that they might obtain 
supplies of European goods on terms less exorbitant than those 
which the royal regulations of Spain imposed. The government 
at San Domingo employed armed ships to prevent clandestine 
trade, and to clear the coasts of Hispaniola of interlopers, 
which ships were called guar da costas ; and it is said their Guarda- 
commanders were instructed not to take prisoners. On the Costas. 
other hand, the intruders formed combinations, came in col- 
lected numbers, and made descents on different parts of the 
coast, ravaging the Spanish towns and settlements. 

In the customary course, such transactions would have come 
under the cognizance of the governments in Europe ; but 
matters here took a different turn. The Spaniards, when they 
had the upper hand, did not fail to deal out their own pleasure 
for law ; and in like manner, the English, French, and Dutch, 
when masters, determined their own measure of retaliation. 
The different European governments were glad to avoid being 
involved in the settlement of disorders they had no inclination 
to repress. In answer to representations made by Spain, 
they said, ' that the people complained against had acted 
* entirely on their own authority, not as the subjects of any 
i prince, and that the King of Spain was at liberty to proceed 
' against them according to his own pleasure/ Queen 

f 2 Elizabeth 



36 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 3, Elizabeth of England, with more open asperity answered 
a complaint made by the Spanish ambassador, of Spanish 
ships being plundered by the English in the West Indies, * That 

* the Spaniards had drawn these inconveniencies upon them- 
' selves, by their severe and unjust dealings in their American 

* commerce ; for she did not understand why either her sub- 
' jects, or those of any other European prince, should be 
' debarred from traffic in the Indies. That as she did not 

* acknowledge the Spaniards to have any title by the donation 
' of the Bishop of Rome, so she knew no right they had to 

* any places other than those they were in actual possession 
' of; for that their having touched only here and there upon 
' a coast, and given names to a few rivers or capes, were 

* such insignificant things as could no ways entitle them to 
' a propriety further than in the parts where they actually 

* settled, and continued to inhabit*.' A warfare was thus 
established between Europeans in the West Indies, local and 
confined, which had no dependence upon transactions in 
Europe. All Europeans not Spaniards, whether it was war or 
peace between their nations in Europe, on their meeting in the 
West Indies, regarded each other as friends and allies, knowing 

Brethren then no other enemy than the Spaniards ; and, as a kind of 
of the p UD ii c avowal of this confederation, they called themselves 
/ Brethren of the Coast. 

The first European intruders upon the Spaniards in the 
West Indies were accordingly mariners, the greater number of 
whom, it is supposed, were French, and next to them the 
English. Their first hunting of cattle in Hayti, was for pro- 
visioning their ships. The time they began to form factories or 
establishments, to hunt cattle for the skins, and to cure the 
flesh as an article of traffic, is not certain; but it may be 

concluded 

* Camden's Elizabeth, a.d, 1680. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 37 

concluded that these occupations were began by the crews of chap. 3. 
wrecked vessels, or by seamen who had disagreed with their 
commander; and that the ease, plenty, and freedom from all 
command and subordination, enjoyed in such a life, soon drew 
others to quit their ships, and join in the same occupations. 
The ships that touched on the coast supplied the hunters with 
European commodities, for which they received in return hides, 
tallow, and cured meat. The appellation of Boucanier or 
Buccaneer was not invented, or at least not applied to these 
adventurers, till long after their first footing in Hayti. At the 
time of Oxnam's expedition across the Isthmus of America to the 
South Sea, a.d. 1575, it does not appear to have been known. 

There is no particular account of the events which took 
place on the coasts of Hispaniola in the early part of the 
contest between the Spaniards and the new settlers. It is 
however certain, that it was a war of the severest retaliation ; 
and in this disorderly state was continued the intercourse of the 
English, French, and Dutch with the West Indies, carried on 
by individuals neither authorized nor controlled by their govern- 
ments, for more than a century. 

In 1586, the English Captain, Francis Drake, plundered the 
city of San Domingo ; and the numbers of the English and 
French in the West Indies increased so much, that shortly after- 
wards the Spaniards found themselves necessitated to abandon 
all the Western and North-western parts of Hispaniola. 



38 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP, IV. 

Iniquitous Settlement of the Island Saint Christopher by the 
English and French. Tortuga seized by the Hunters. Origin 
of the name Buccaneer. The name Flibustier. Customs 
attributed to the Buccaneers. 

chap. 4. r I ^ H E increase of trade of the English and French to the 
West Indies, and the growing importance of the freebooters 
or adventurers concerned in it, who, unassisted but by each 
other, had begun to acquire territory and to form establish- 
ments in spite of all opposition from the Spaniards, attracted 
the attention of the British and French governments, and 
suggested to them a scheme of confederacy, in which some of 
the principal adventurers were consulted. The project adopted 
by them was, to plant a royal colony of each nation, on 
some one island, and at the same time ; by which a constant 
mutual support would be secured. In as far as regarded the 
concerns of Europeans with each other, this plan was un- 
impeachable. 

The Island chosen by the projectors, as the best suited to 
their purpose, was one of the Small Antilles or Caribbee Islands, 
known by the name of St. Christopher, which is in length about 
seven leagues, and in breadth two and a half. 

Thus the governments of Great Britain and France, like 

friendly fellow-travellers, and not like rivals who were to con- 

1625. tend in a race, began their West-Indian career by joint 

Saint" consent at tne same point both in time and place. In the 

Christopher year 1625, and on the same day, a colony of British and a 

the English colony of French, in the names and on the behalf of their 

and French. respective 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. .39 

respective nations, landed on this small island, the division of chap. 4. 
which had been settled by previous agreement. 

The Island St. Christopher was at that time inhabited by 1625. 
Caribbe Indians. The Spaniards had never possessed a settle- 
ment on it, but their ships had been accustomed to stop there, 
to traffic for provisions and refreshments. The French and 
English who came to take possession, landed without obtaining 
the consent of the native Caribbe inhabitants ; and, because 
danger was apprehended from their discontent, under pretence 
that the Caribbs were friends to the Spaniards, these new 
colonists fell upon them by surprise in the night, killed their 
principal leaders, and forced the rest to quit the Island and 
seek another home. De Rochefort, in his Histoire Morale des 
Isles Antilles (p. 284.) mentions the English and French killing 
the Caribb Chiefs, in the following terms: ' lis se dejirent en 
wie nuit de tous les plus factieux de cette nation ! ' Thus in 
usurpation and barbarity was founded the first colony esta- 
blished under the authority of the British and French govern- 
ments in the West Indies ; which colony was the parent of our 
African slave trade. When accounts of the conquest and of 
the proceedings at Saint Christopher were transmitted to Europe, 
they were approved ; West-India companies were established, 
and licences granted to take out colonists. De Rochefort has 
oddly enough remarked, that the French, English, and Dutch, 
in their first establishments in the West Indies, did not follow 
the cruel maxims of the Spaniards. True it is, however, that 
they only copied in part. In their usurpations their aim went 
no farther than to dispossess, and they did not seek to make 
slaves of the people whom they deprived of their land. 

The English and French in a short time had disagreements, 
and began to make complaints of each other. The English 
took possession of the small Island Nevis, which is separated 

only 



an 



40 HISTORY OF THE 

cha p. 4- only by a narrow channel from the South end of St. Christopher. 

P. Charlevoix says, ' the ambition of the English disturbed the 

* good understanding between the colonists of the two nations; 

1629. * but M. de Cusac arriving with a squadron of the French King's 

4 ships, by taking and sinking some British ships lying there, 

6 brought the English Governor to reason, and to confine him- 

' self to the treaty of Partition/ After effecting this amicable 

adjustment, De Cusac sailed from St. Christopher; and was 

scarcely clear of the Island when a powerful fleet, consisting of 

thirty-nine large ships, arrived from Spain, and anchored in the 

The Road. Almost without opposition the Spaniards became masters 

.drench of the IsJand > although the English and French, if they had 

driven from cordially joined, could have mustered a force of twelve hundred 

Christopher men. Intelligence that the Spaniards intended this attack, had 

by the been timely received in France; and M. de Cusac's squadron 
Spaniards. . ■; 

had in consequence been dispatched to assist in the defence of 

St. Christopher; but the Spaniards being slow in their prepara- 
tions, their fleet did not arrive at the time expected, and De 
Cusac, hearing no news of them, presumed that they had given 
up their design against St. Christopher. Without strengthening 
the joint colony, he gave the English a lesson on moderation, 
little calculated to incline them to co-operate heartily with the 
French in defence of the Island, and sailed on a cruise to the 
Gulf of Mexico. Shortly after his departure, towards the end of 
the year 1629, the Spanish fleet arrived. The colonists almost 
immediately despaired of being able to oppose so great a force. 
Many of the French embarked in their ships in time to effect 
their escape, and to take refuge among the islands northward. 
r ] lie remainder, with the English, lay at the disposal of the 
Spanish commander, Don Frederic de Toledo. At this time 
Spain was at war with England, France, and Holland; and this 
armament was desigued ultimately to act against the Hollanders, 

in 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 41 

in Brasil, but was ordered by the way to drive the English and chap. 4. 
the French from the Island of Saint Christopher. Don Frederic 1629. 
would not weaken his force by leaving a garrison there, 
and was in haste to prosecute his voyage to Brasil. As 
the settlement of Saint Christopher had been established on 
regular government authorities, the settlers were treated as 
prisoners of war. To clear the Island in the most speedy 
manner, Don Frederic took many of the English on board his 
own fleet, and made as many of the other colonists embark 
as could be crowded in any vessels which could be found for 
them. He saw them get under sail, and leave the Island; and 
from those who remained,- he required their parole, that they 
would depart by the earliest opportunity which should present 
itself, warning them, at the same time, that if, on his return 
from Brasil, he found any Englishmen or Frenchmen at Saint 
Christopher, they should be put to the sword. After this, he 
sailed for Brasil. As soon, however, as it was known that the 1630- 
Spanish fleet had left the West-Indian sea, the colonists, both re tra.Tu 
English and French, returned to Saint Christopher, and repos- 
sessed themselves of their old quarters. 

The settlement of the Island Saint Christopher gave great 
encouragement to the hunters on the West coast of Hispaniola. 
Their manufactories for the curing of meat, and for drying the 
skins, multiplied ; and as the value of them increased, they 
began to think it of consequence to provide for their security. 
To this end they took possession of the small Island Tortuga, The Island 
near the North-west end of Hispaniola, where the Spaniards had Toit j f a 

r ' r seized by 

placed a garrison, but which was too small to make opposition, the English 
There was a road for shipping, with good anchorage, at Tortuga ; hunters. 
and its separation from the main land of Hispaniola seemed to be 
a good guarantee from sudden and unexpected attack. They 
built magazines there, for the lodgement of their goods, and 

G regarded 



42 HISTORY OF THE 

c h a p. 4. regarded this Island as their head quarters, or place of general 
rendezvous to which to repair in times of danger. They elected 
no chief, erected no fortification, set up no authorities, nor 
fettered themselves by any engagement. All was voluntary ; 
and they were negligently contented at having done so much 
towards their security. 
Whence About the time of their taking possession of Tortuga, they 
Buccaneer began to De known by the name of Buccaneers, of which 
appellation it will be proper to speak at some length. 

The flesh of the cattle killed by the hunters, was cured to 
keep good for use, after a manner learnt from the Caribbe 
Indians, which was as follows : The meat was laid to be dried 
upon a wooden grate or hurdle (grille de bois) which the Indians 
called barbecu, placed at a good distance over a slow fire. 
The meat when cured was called boucan, and the same name 
was given to the place of their cookery. Pere Labat describes 
Viande boucannee to be, Viande seche a petit feu et a lafumee. 
The Caribbes are said to have sometimes served their prisoners 
after this fashion, ' lis les mangent apres les avoir bien boucannee, 
cest a dire, rotis bien sec*.' The boucan was a very favourite 
method of cooking among these Indians. A Caribbe has been 
known, on returning home from fishing, fatigued and pressed 
with hunger, to have had the patience to wait the roasting of 
a fish on a wooden grate fixed two feet above the ground, over a 
fire so small as sometimes to require the whole day to dress it-f-. 

The flesh of the cattle was in general dried in the smoke, 
without being salted. The Dictionnaire de Trevoux explains 
Boucaner to be ' /aire sorer sans sel,' to dry red without salt. But 
the flesh of wild hogs, and also of the beeves when intended 

for 

* Hist, des Jntilhs, par P. du Tertre. Paris, i66j. Tome I. p. 415. 
+ La Rochefort, sur le Repas des Carribes. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 43 

for keeping a length of time, was first salted. The same thing chap. 4. 



was practised among the Brasilians. It was remarked in one 
of the earliest visits of the Portuguese to Brasil, that the natives 
(who were cannibals) kept human flesh salted and smoked, 
hanging up in their houses *. The meat cured by the Bucca- 
neers to sell to shipping for sea-store, it is probable was all 
salted. The process is thus described : ' The bones being taken 
* out, the flesh was cut into convenient pieces and salted, and 
' the next day was taken to the boucan.' Sometimes, to give 
a peculiar relish to the meat, the skin of the animal was cast 
into the fire under it. The meat thus cured was of a fine red 
colour, and of excellent flavour; but in six months after it 
was boucanned, it had little taste left, except of salt. The 
boucanned hog's flesh continued good a much longer time than 
the flesh of the beeves, if kept in dry places. 

From adopting the boucan of the Caribbes, the hunters 
in Hispaniola, the Spaniards excepted, came to be called 
Boucaniers, but afterwards, according to a pronunciation more 
in favour with the English, Buccaneers -f. Many of the French 
hunters were natives of Normandy ; whence it became proverbial 
in some of the sea-ports of Normandy to say of a smoky house, 
cest un vrai Boucan. 

The French Buccaneers and Adventurers were also called The name 
Flibustiers, and more frequently by that than by any other Fhbustier. 
name. The word Fiibustier is merely the French mariner's 
mode of pronouncing the English word Freebooter, a name 
which long preceded that of Boucanier or Buccaneer, as 

the 

* History of Brasil, by Robert Southey, p. 17. 

■f In some of the English accounts the name is written Buca7iier; but unifor- 
mity in spelling was not much attended to at that time. Dampier wrote 
Buccaneer, which agrees with the present manner of pronouncing the word, and 
is to be esteemed the best authority. 

G 2 



44 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 4. the occupation of cruising against the Spaniards preceded 
that of hunting and curing meat. Some authors have given 
a derivation to the name Flibustier from the word Fly boat, 
because, say they, the French hunters in Hispaniola bought 
vessels of the Dutch, called Flyboats, to cruise upon the 
Spaniards. There are two objections to this derivation. First, 
the word fiyboat, is only an English translation of the Dutch 
word fluyt, which is the proper denomination of the vessel 
intended by it. Secondly, it would not very readily occur 
to any one to purchase Dutch fluyts, or flyboats, for 
chasing vessels. 

Some have understood the Boucanier and Flibustier to be 
distinct both in person and character*. This was probably the 
case with a few, after the settlement of Tortuga ; but before, and 
very generally afterwards, the occupations were joined, making 
one of amphibious character. Ships from all parts of the West 
Indies frequented Tortuga, and it continually happened that 
some among the crews quitted their ships to turn Buccaneers ; 
whilst among the Buccaneers some would be desirous to quit 
their hunting employment, to go on a cruise,, to make a voyage, 
or to return to Europe. The two occupations of hunting and 
cruising being so common to the same person, caused the 
names Flibustier and Buccaneer to be esteemed synonimous, 
signifying always and principally the being at war with the 
Spaniards. The Buccaneer and Flibustier therefore, as long as 
thev continued in a state of independence, are to be consi- 
dered as the same character, exercising sometimes one, some- 
times 



* The French account says, that after taking possession of Tortuga, the 
Adventurers divided into three" classes: that those who occupied themselves in 
the chase, took the name of Boucaniers ; those who went on cruises, the name 
of Flibustiers ; and a third class, who cultivated the soil, called themselves 
Habitans (Inhabitants.) See Histoire des Avanturiers qui se sont signakz dans les 
Indes. Par. Alex. 01. Oexmelin. Paris 1688, vol. i. p. 22. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 



45 



times the other employment ; and either name was taken by chap. 4^ 
them indifferently, whether they were employed on the sea or 
on the land. But a fanciful kind of inversion took place, 
through the different caprices of the French and English 
adventurers. The greater part of the first cattle hunters were 
French, and the greater number of the first cruisers againt the 
Spaniards were English. The French adventurers, nevertheless, 
had a partiality for the name of Flibustier ; whilst the English 
shewed a like preference for the name of Buccaneer, which, as 
will be seen, was assumed by many hundred seamen of their 
nation, who were never employed either in hunting or in the 
boucan. 

A propensity to make things which are extraordinary appear Customs 
more so, has caused many peculiar customs to be attributed to attnb » te( l 
the Buccaneers, which, it is pretended, were observed as strictly Buccaneers, 
as if they had been established laws. It is said that every Buc- 
caneer had his chosen and declared comrade, between whom 
property was in common, and if one died, the survivor was 
inheritor of the whole. This was called by the French Mate- 
lotage. It is however acknowledged that the Matelotage was 
not a compulsatory regulation; and that the Buccaneers some- 
times bequeathed by will. A general right of participation in 
some things, among which was meat for present consumption, 
was acknowledged among them ; and it is said, that bolts, 
locks, and every species of fastening, were prohibited, it being 
held that the use of such securities would have impeached the 
honour of their vocation. Yet on commencing Buccaneer, it 
was customary with those who were of respectable lineage, 
to relinquish their family name, and assume some other, as 
a nom de guerre. Their dress, which was uniformly slovenly 
when engaged in the business of hunting or of the boucan, 
is mentioned as a prescribed costume, but which doubtless 



was 



46 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 4. was prescribed only by their own negligence and indo- 
lence ; in particular, that they wore an unwashed shirt and 
pantaloons dyed in the blood of the animals they had 
killed. Other distinctions, equally capricious, and to little 
purpose, are related, which have no connexion with their 
history. Some curious anecdotes are produced, to shew the 
great respect some among them entertained for religion and 
for morality. A certain Flibustier captain, named Daniel, 
shot one of his crew in the church, for behaving irreverently 
during the performance of mass. Raveneau de Lussan (whose 
adventures will be frequently mentioned) took the occupation 
of a Buccaneer, because he was in debt, and wished, as every 
honest man should do, to have wherewithal to satisfy his 
creditors. 

In their sea enterprises, they followed most of the customs 
which are generally observed in private ships of war; and some- 
times were held together by a subscribed written agreement, 
by the English called Charter-party ; by the French Chasse- 
partie, which might in this case be construed a Chasing agree- 
ment. Whenever it happened that Spain was at open and 
declared war with any of the maritime nations of Europe, the 
Buccaneers who were natives of the country at war with her, 
obtained commissions, which rendered the vessels in which 
they cruised, regular privateers. 

The English adventurers sometimes, as is seen in Dampier, 
called themselves Privateers, applying the term to persons in 
the same manner we now apply it to private ships of war. 
The Dutch, whose terms are generally faithful to the meaning 
intended, called the adventurers Zee Hoovers ; the word roover 
in the Dutch language comprising the joint sense of the two 
English words rover and robber. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 47 



CHAP. V. 

Treaty made by the Spaniards with Don Henriquez. Increase of 
English and French in the West Indies. Tortuga surprised 
by the Spaniards. Policy of the English and French Govern- 
ments with respect to the Buccaneers. Mansvelt, his attempt 
to form an independent Buccaneer Establishment. French West- 
India Company. Morgan succeeds Mansvelt as Chief of the 
Buccaneers. 

T^HE Spanish Government at length began to think it c h a p. 5. 

necessary to relax from their large pretensions, and in l6 
the year 1630 entered into treaties with other European 
nations, for mutual security of their West-India possessions. 
In a Treaty concluded that year with Great Britain, it was 
declared, that peace, amity, and friendship, should be observed 
between their respective subjects in all parts of the world. 
But this general specification was not sufficient to produce 
effect in the West Indies. 

In Hispa?iiola, in the year 1633, the Government at San 1633. 
Domingo concluded a treaty with Don Henriquez ; which was 
the more readily accorded to him, because it was apprehended 
the revolted natives would league with the Brethren of the Coast. 
By this treaty all the followers of Don Henriquez who could 
claim descent from the original natives, in number four thou- 
sand persons, were declared free and under his protection, and 
lands were marked out for them. But, what is revolting to all. 
generous hopes of human nature, the negroes were abandoned 
to the Spaniards. Magnanimity was not to be expected of the 

natives 



48 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 5. natives of Hayti ; yet they had shewn themselves capable of 
1633. exertion for their own relief; and a small degree more of firmness 
would have included these, their most able champions, in the 
treaty. This weak and wicked defection from friends, confe- 
derated with them in one common and righteous cause, seems 
to have wrought its own punishment. The vigilance and vigour 
of mind of the negro might have guarded against encroach- 
ments upon the independence obtained; instead of which, the 
wretched Haytians in a short time fell again wholly into the 
grinding hands of the Spaniards: and in the early part of 
the eighteenth century, it was reckoned that the whole number 
living, of the descendants of the party of Don Henriquez, did 
not quite amount to one hundred persons. 

The settlement of the Buccaneers at Tortuga drew many 
Europeans there, as well settlers as others, to join in their 

Cultivation adventures and occupations. They began to clear and culti- 
or ugd " vate the grounds, which were before overgrown with woods, 
and made plantations of tobacco, which proved to be of 
extraordinary good quality. 

Increase of More Europeans, not Spaniards, consequently allies of the 

the English Buccaneers, continued to pour into the West Indies, and formed 

and riencu x ' 

Settlements settlements on their own accounts, on some of the islands of the 
West indies. sma ll Antilles. These settlements were not composed of mix- 
tures of different people, but were most of them all English or 
all French ; and as they grew into prosperitjr, they were taken 
possession of for the crowns of England or of France by the 
respective governments. Under the government authorities new 
colonists were sent out, royal governors were appointed, and 
codes of law established, which combined, with the security of 
the colony, the interests of the mother-country. But at the same 
time these benefits were conferred, grants of lands were made 
under royal authority, which dispossessed many persons, who, by 

labour 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 49 

labour and perilous adventure, and some who at considerable chap. 5. 
expence, had achieved establishments for themselves, in favour 
of men till then no way concerned in any of the undertakings. 
In some cases, grants of whole islands were obtained by pur- 
chase or favour; and the first settlers, who had long before gained 
possession, and who had cleared and brought the ground into a 
state for cultivation, were rendered dependent upon the new 
proprietary governors, to whose terms they were obliged to 
submit, or to relinquish their tenure. Such were the hard 
accompaniments to the protection afforded by the governments 
of France and Great Britain to colonies, which, before they were 
acknowledged legitimate offsprings of the mother-country, had 
grown into consideration through their own exertions ; and only 
because they were found worth adopting, were now received 
into the parent family. The discontents created by this rapa- 
cious conduct of the governments, and the disregard shewn to 
the claims of the first settlers, instigated some to resistance and 
rebellion, and caused many to join the Buccaneers. The 
Caribbe inhabitants were driven from their lands also with as 
little ceremony. 

The Buccaneer colony at Tortuga had not been beheld with 
indifference by the Spaniards. The Buccaneers, with the care- 
lessness natural to men in their loose condition of life, under 
neither command nor guidance, continued to trust, to the 
supineness of the enemy for their safety, and neglected all pre- 
caution. In the year 1638, I he Spaniards with a large force 1638. 
fell unexpectedly upon Tortuga, at a time when the greater Tortuga 
number of the settlers were absent in Hispaniola on the chace; by the 
and those who were on the Island, having neither fortress nor Spaniards. 
government, became an easy prey to the Spaniards, who made 
a general massacre of all who fell into their hands, not only of 
those they surprised in the beginning, but many who afterwards 

H came 



50 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 5. came j n from the woods to implore their lives on condition of 
1638. returning to Europe, they hanged. A few kept themselves con- 
cealed, till they found an opportunity to cross over to their 
brethren in Hispaniola. 

It happened not to suit the convenience of the Spaniards 
to. keep a -garrison at Tortuga, and they were persuaded the 
Buccaneers would not speedily again expose themselves to a 
repetition of such treatment as they had just experienced; 
therefore they contented themselves with destroying the build- 
ings, and as much as they could of the plantations ; after which 
they returned to San Domingo. In a short time after their 
departure, the remnant of the Hunters collected to the number 
of three hundred, again fixed themselves at Tortuga, and, for 
the first time, elected a commander. 

As the hostility of the Buccaneers had constantly and solely 
been directed against the Spaniards, all other Europeans in 
the West Indies regarded them as champions in the common 
cause, and the severities which had been exercised against 
them created less of dread than of a spirit of vengeance. The 
numbers of the Buccaneers were quickly recruited by volun- 
teers of English, French, and Dutch, from all parts ; and 
both' the occupations of hunting and cruising were pursued 
with more than usual eagerness. The French and English 
Governors in the West Indies, influenced by the like feelings, 
either openly, or by connivance, gave constant encouragement 
to the Buccaneers. The French Governor at St. Christopher, 
who was also Governor General for the French West-India 
Islands, was most ready to send assistance to the Buccaneers. 
This Governor, Monsieur de Poincy, an enterprising and capable 
man, had formed a design to take possession of the Island 
Tortuga for the crown of France; which he managed to put in 
execution three years after, having by that time predisposed 

some 



• 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 51 

some of the principal French Buccaneers to receive a garrison chap. 5. 
of the French king's troops. This appropriation was made in 1 g 41# 
1641 ; and De Poincy, thinking his acquisition would be more Tortuga 
secure to France by the absence of the English, forced all the ^g^oV 
English Buccaneers to quit the Island. The French writers for the 
say, that before the interposition of the French Governor, the France. 
English Buccaneers took advantage of their numbers, and 
domineered in Tortuga. The English Governors in the West 
Indies could not at this time shew the same tender regard for 
the English Buccaneers, as the support they received from 
home was very precarious, owing to the disputes which then 
subsisted in England between King Charles and the English 
Parliament, which engrossed so much of the public attention 
as to leave little to colonial concerns. 

The French Commander de Poincy pushed his success. In 
his appointment of a Governor to Tortuga, he added the title 
of Governor of the West coast of Hispaniola, and by degrees he 
introduced French garrisons. This was the first footing 
obtained by the Government of France in Hispaniola. The same 
policy was observed there respecting the English as at Tortuga, 
by which means Avas effected a separation of the English 
Buccaneers from the French. After this time, it was only 
occasionally, and from accidental circumstances, or by special 
agreement, that they acted in concert. The English adven- 
turers, thus elbowed out of Hispaniola and Tortuga, lost the 
occupation of hunting cattle and of the boucan, but they 
continued to be distinguished by the appellation of Bucca- 
neers, and, when not cruising, most generally harboured at 
the Islands possessed by the British. 

Hitherto, it had rested in the power of the Buccaneers to have 
formed themselves into an independent state. Being composed 
of people of different nations, the admission of a Governor 

h 2 from 



52 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 5. from any one, might easily have been resisted. Now, they 
1641. were considered in a kind of middle state, between that of 
Buccaneers and of men returned to their native allegiance. It 
seemed now in the power of the English and French Govern- 
ments to put a stop to their cruisings, and to furnish them with 
more honest employment ; but politics of a different cast 
prevailed. The Buccaneers were regarded as profitable to the 
Colonies, on account of the prizes they brought in ; and even 
vanity had a share in their being countenanced. The French 
authors call them nos braves, and the English speak of their 
Policy of « unparalleled exploits/ The policy both of England and of 
and French France with respect to the Buccaneers, seems to have been well 
Govern- described in the following sentence : On laissoit faire des 

ments with , ° . '., 

respect Avanturiers, qu'on pouvoit toujour s desavouer, mats dont les succes 

■r to tle pouvoient etre utiles: i.e. ' they connived at the actions of these 

.Buccaneers. ? J 

Adventurers, which could always be disavowed, and whose 
successes might be serviceable.' This was not esteemed 
friponnerie, but a maxim of sound state policy. In the cha- 
racter given of a good French West-India governor, he is 
praised, for that, ' besides encouraging the cultivation of lands, 
' he never neglected to encourage the Flibustiers. It was a 
' certain means of improving the Colony, by attracting thither 
c the young and enterprising. He would scarcely receive a 
4 slight portion of what he was entitled to from his right of 

* bestowing commissions in time of war *. And when we 

* were at peace, and our Flibustiers, for want of other ernploy- 

* ment, would go cruising, and would carry their prizes to the 

* English Islands, he was at the pains of procuring them 
' commissions from Portugal, which country was then at war 

* with Spain ; in virtue of which our Flibustiers continued to 

6 make 

* The Governor or Admiral, who granted the commisson, claimed one tenth of 
all prizes made under its authority. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 53 

* make themselves redoubtable to the Spaniards, and to spread , CHA P - 5; 

* riches and abundance in our Colonies/ This panegyric was 
bestowed by Pere Labat; who seems to have had more of 
national than of moral or religious feeling on this head. 

It-was a powerful consideration with the French and English 
Governments, to have at their occasional disposal, without 
trouble or ex pence, a well trained military force, always at 
hand, and willing to be emplo} r ed upon emergency ; who 
required no pay nor other recompense for their services and 
constant readiness, than their share of plunder, and that their 
piracies upon the Spaniards should pass unnoticed. 

Towards the end of 1644, a new Governor General for the 1644. 
French West-India possessions was appointed by the French 
Regency (during the minority of Louis xiv.) ; but the Com- 
mander de Poincy did not choose to resign, and the colonists 
were inclined to support him. Great discontents prevailed in the 
French Colonies, which rendered them liable to being shaken 
by civil wars; and the apprehensions of the Regency on this 
head enabled De Poincy to stand his ground. Pie remained 
Governor General over the French Colonies not only for the 
time, but was continued in that office, by succeeding adminis- 
trations, many years. l654> 

About the year 1654, a large party of Buccaneers, French The 
and English, joined in an expedition on the Continent. They ^undef 3 
ascended a river of the Mosquito shore, a small distance on the New 
South side of Cape Gracias a Dios, in canoes; and after labouring eg ° VI 
nearly a month against a strong stream and waterfalls, they 
left their canoes, and marched to the town of Nueva Segovia, 
which they plundered, and then returned down the river. Tne 

In the same year, the Spaniards took Tortuga from the Spaniards 

-r, , retake 

French. Tortuga. 

In 



54 



HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 5. 

s 1 ' 

1655. 

With the 
assistance 

of the 

Buccaneers, 

the English 

take 

Jamaica : 

1660 ; 

And the 
French 
retake 

Tortuga. 



Pierre le 

Grand, 

a French 

Buccaneer. 



In the yeajj following, 1655, England being at war with Spain, 
a large force was sent from England to attempt the conquest 
of the Island Hispaniola. In this attempt they failed ; but 
afterwards fell upon Jamaica, of which Island they made 
themselves masters, and kept possession. In the conquest 
of Jamaica, the English were greatly assisted by the Buccaneers; 
and a few years after, with their assistance also, the French 
regained possession of Tortuga. 

On the recovery of Tortuga, the French Buccaneers greatly 
increased in the Northern and Western parts of Hispaniola. 
Spain also sent large reinforcements from Europe ; and for 
some years war was carried on with great spirit and animosity 
on both sides. During the heat of this contest, the French 
Buccaneers followed more the occupation of hunting, and 
less that of cruising, than at any other period of their history. 

The Spaniards finding they could not expel the French from 
Hispaniola, determined to join their efforts to those of the 
French hunters, for the destruction of the cattle and wild hogs 
on the Island, so as to render the business of hunting unpro- 
ductive. But the French had begun to plant ; and the depriving 
them of the employment of hunting, drove them to other 
occupations not less contrary to the interest and wishes of the 
Spaniards. The less profit they found in the chace, the more 
they became cultivators and cruisers. 

The Buccaneer Histories of this period abound with relations 
of daring actions performed by them ; but many of which are 
chiefly remarkable for the ferocious cruelty of the leaders by 
whom they were conducted. Pierre, a native of Dieppe, for 
his success received to his name the addition of le grand, and 
is mentioned as one of the first Flibustiers who obtained much 
notoriety. In a boat, with a crew of twenty-eight men, he 

surprised 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 55 

surprised and took the Ship of the Vice- Admiral of the Spanish chap. 5. 

galeons, as she was sailing homeward-bound with a rich 

freight. He set the Spanish crew on shore at Cape Tiburon, 

the West end of Hispaniola, and sailed in his prize to France. 

A Frenchman, named Alexandre, also in a small vessel, took a Alexandre. 

Spanish ship of war. 

It is related of another Frenchman, a native of Languedoc, Montbars, 
named Montbars, that on reading a history of the cruelty of th^^Ser- 
the Spaniards to the Americans, he conceived such an im- minator. 
placable hatred against the Spaniards, that he determined on 
going to the West Indies to join the Buccaneers ; and that he 
there pursued his vengeance with so much ardour as to 
acquire the surname of the Exterminator. 

One Buccaneer of some note was a native of Portugal, known Bartolomeo 
by the name of Bartolomeo Portuguez ; who, however, was 0l u S ue2 
more renowned for his wonderful escapes, both in battle, and 
from the gallows, than for his other actions. 

But no one of the Buccaneers hitherto named, arrived at so L'Olonnois 
great a degree of notoriety, as a Frenchman, called Francois J 1 Frencn 

°, & • 5 Buccaneer, 

L'Olonnois, a native of part of the French coast which is near 

the sands of Olonne, but whose real name is not known. This 

man, and Michel le Basque, both Buccaneer commanders, at And Michel 

the head of 650 men, took the towns of Maracaibo and • Ba ^ ue > 

' take Mara- 

Gibr altar in the Gulf of Venezuela, on the Tierra Firma. The caib© and 
booty they obtained by the plunder and ransom of these 

places, was estimated at 400,000 crowns. The barbarities outrages 

practised on the prisoners could not be exceeded. Olonnois committed 

by 

was possessed with an ambition to make himself renowned for L'Olonnois. 
being terrible. At one time, it is said, he put the whole crew 
of a Spanish ship, ninety men, to death, performing himself 
the office of executioner, by beheading them. He caused the 
crews of four other vessels to be thrown into the sea; and more 

than 



56 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 5. than once, in his frenzies, he tore out the hearts of his victims, 
and devoured them. Yet this man had his encomiasts; so 
much will loose notions concerning glory, aided by a little 
partiality, mislead even sensible men. Pere Charlevoix says, 
Celui de tous, dont les grandes actions illustrerent davantage les 
premieres annSes du gouvernement de M. d'Ogeron,Jut VOlonnois. 
Ses premiers succes furent suivis de quelques malheurs, qui ne 
servirent qud donner un nowoeau lustre d sa gloire. The career 
of this savage was terminated by the Indians of the coast of 
Darien, on which he had landed. 

The Buccaneers now went in such formidable numbers, that 

several Spanish towns, both on the Continent and among the 

Islands of the West Indies, submitted to pay them contribution. 

Mansvelt, a And at this time, a Buccaneer commander, named Mansvelt, 

Buccaneer . -, 1 !,.,•' .' i. ■ ,1 , 

Chief- more provident and more ambitious in his views than any who 
his Plan for preceded him, formed a project for founding an independent 

forming a * „ 

Buccaneer Buccaneer establishment. Or what country Mansvelt was 

Establish- na (j ve> d oes no t appear; but he was so popular among the 

1664. Buccaneers, that both French and English were glad to have 

him for their leader. The greater number of his followers in 

his attempt to form a settlement were probably English, as he 

fitted out in Jamaica. A Welshman, named Henry Morgan, 

who had made some successful cruises as a Buccaneer, went 

Island with him as second in command. The place designed by them 

ta Kataima, f or their establishment, was an Island named S ta Katalina, or 

or 

Providence; Providence, situated in latitude 13 24'N, about 40 leagues 
Old to the Eastward of the Mosquito shore. This Island is scarcely 
Providence, more than two leagues in its greatest extent, but has a harbour 
capable of being easily fortified against an enemy ; and very 
near to its North end is a much smaller Island. The late Charts 
assign the name of S'« Katalina to the small Island, and give to 
the larger Island that of Old Providence, the epithet Old having 

been, 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 



57 



been added to distinguish this from the Providence of the Bahama chat. 5 
Islands. At the time Mansvelt undertook his scheme of settle- 1664. 
ment, this S ta Katalina, or Providence Island, was occupied by 
the Spaniards, who had a fort and good garrison there. Some 
time in or near the year 1664, Mansvelt sailed thither from 
Jamaica, with fifteen vessels and 500 men. He assaulted and 
took the fort, which he garrisoned with one hundred Buccaneers 
and all the slaves he had taken, and left the command to a 
Frenchman, named Le Sieur Simon. At the end of his cruise, 
he returned to Jamaica, intending to procure there recruits for 
his Settlement of S ta Katalina ; but the Governor of Jamaica, 
however friendly to the Buccaneers whilst they made Jamaica 
their home, saw many reasons for disliking Mansvelt's plan, 
and would not consent to his raising men. 

Not being able to overcome the Governor's unwillingness, 
Mansvelt sailed for Tortuga, to try what assistance he could pro- 
cure there ; but in the passage he was suddenly taken ill, and 
died. For a length of time after, Simon remained at aS' m Katalina 
with his garrison, in continual expectation of seeing or hearing 
from Mansvelt ; instead of which, a large Spanish force arrived 
and besieged his fort, when, learning of Mansvelt's death, and 
seeing no prospect of receiving reinforcement or relief, he found 
himself obliged to surrender. 

The government in France had appointed commissioners on 
behalf of the French West-India Company, to take all the 
Islands called the French Antilles, out of the hands of indi- 
viduals, subjects of France, who had before obtained possession, 
and to put them into the possession of the said Company, to 
be governed according to such provisions as they should think 
proper. In February 1 665, M. d'Ogeron was appointed Governor 1665. 
of Tortuga, and of the French settlements in Hispaniola, or 
St. Domingo, as the Island was now more commonly called. On 

I his 



Death of 
Mansvelt. 



French 

West-India 

Company. 



58 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 5. his arrival at Tortuga, the French adventurers, both there and 

i66 5 . in Hispaniola, declared that if he came to govern in the name 

The French of the King of France, he should find faithful and obedient 

dispute subjects ; but they would not submit themselves to any Com- 
their pany ; and in no case would they consent to the prohibiting 
their trade with the Hollanders, ' with whom,' said the Buc- 
caneers, 4 we have been in the constant habit of trading, and 
' were so before it was known in France that there was a single 
4 Frenchman in Tortuga, or on the coast of St. Domingo.' 

1665-7. M. d'Ogeron had recourse to dissimulation to allay these 
discontents. He yielded consent to the condition respecting 
the commerce with the Dutch, fully resolved not to observe it 
longer than till his authority should be sufficiently established 
for him to break it with safety j and to secure the commerce 
within his government exclusively to the French West-India 
Company, who, when rid of all competitors, would be able to 
fix their own prices. It was not long before M. d'Ogeron judged 
the opportunity was arrived for effecting this revocation without 
danger; but it caused a revolt of the French settlers in 
St. Domingo, which did not terminate without bloodshed and an 
execution; and so partial as well as defective in principle were 
the historians who have related the fact, that they have at the 
same time commended M. d'Ogeron for his probity and simple 
manners. In the end, he prevailed in establishing a monopoly 
for the Company, to the injury of his old companions the French 
Buccaneers, with whom he had at a former period associated, 
and who had been his benefactors in a time of his distress. 

Morgan On the death of Mansvelt, Morgan was regarded as the 
Mansvelt- most ca P a ble and most fortunate leader of any of the Jamaica 

plunders Buccaneers. With a body of several hundred men, who placed 
Puerto del themselves under his command, he took and plundered the 

Jrrmcipe. ' "■ , 

town of Puerto del Principe in Cuba. A quarrel happened at 

this 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 



59 



this place among the Buccaneers, in which a Frenchman was 
treacherously slain by an Englishman. The French took to 
arms, to revenge the death of their countryman ; but Morgan 
pacified them by putting the murderer in irons, and promising 
he should be delivered up to justice on their return to Jamaica ; 
which was done, and the criminal was hanged. But in some 
other respects, the French were not so well satisfied with 
Morgan for their commander, as they had been with Mansvelt. 
Morgan was a great rogue, and little respected the old proverb 
of, Honour among Thieves : this had been made manifest to 
the French, and almost all of them separated from him. 

Maracaibo was now a second time pillaged by the French 
Buccaneers, under Michel le Basque. 

Morgan's next undertaking was against Porto Bello, one of 
the principal and best fortified ports belonging to the Spaniards 
in the West Indies. He had under his command only 460 men ; 
but not having revealed his design to any person, he came on 
the town by surprise, and found it unprepared. Shocking 
cruelties are related to have been committed in this expedition. 
Among many others, that a castle having made more resistance 
than had been expected, Morgan, after its surrendering, shut 
up the garrison in it, and caused fire to be set to the magazine, 
destroying thereby the castle and the garrison together. In 
the attack of another fort, he compelled a number of reli- 
gious persons, both male and female, whom he had taken 
prisoners, to carry and plant scaling ladders against the walls; 
and many of them were killed by those who defended the fort. 
The Buccaneers in the end became masters of the place, and 
the use they made of their victory corresponded with their 
actions in obtaining it. Many prisoners died under tortures 
inflicted on them to make them discover concealed treasures, 
whether they knew of any or not. A large ransom was also 
extorted for the town and prisoners. 

I 2 This 



CHAP. 5. 

v ' 

1665-7. 



1667. 
Maracaibo 

again 
pillaged. 

1668. 

Morgan 

takes 

PortoBello: 



Exercises 

great 
Cruelty. 



60 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 5. This success attracted other Buccaneers, anions; them the 



o 



1668. French again, to join Morgan ; and by a kind of circular notice 
they rendezvoused in large force under his command at the 
Isla de la Vaca (by the French called Isle Avache) near the 
SW part of Hispaniola. 

A large French Buccaneer ship was lying at la Vaca, which 
was not of this combination, the commander and crew of 
which refused to join with Morgan, though much solicited. 
Morgan was angry, but dissembled, and with a show of cor- 
diality invited the French captain and his officers to an enter- 
tainment on board his own ship. When they were his guests, 
they found themselves his prisoners ; and their ship, being left 
without officers, was taken without resistance. The men put 
by Morgan in charge of the ship, fell to drinking; and, whether 
from their drunkenness and negligence, or from the revenge 
of any of the prisoners, cannot be known, she suddenly blew 
up, by which 350 English Buccaneers, and all the Frenchmen 
on board her, perished. The History of the Buccaneers of 
America, in which the event is related, adds by way of remark, 
' Thus was this unjust action of Captain Morgan's soon fol- 
' lowed by divine justice; for this ship, the largest in his fleet, 
* was blown up in the air, with 350 Englishmen and all the 
' French prisoners/ This comment seems to have suggested 
to Voltaire the ridicule he has thrown on the indiscriminate 
manner in which men sometimes pronounce misfortune to be 
a peculiar judgment of God, in the dialogue he put into the 
mouths of Candide and Martin, on the wicked Dutch skipper 
being drowned. 

1669. From Isla de la Vaca Morgan sailed with his fleet to Maracaibo 
Maracaibo and Gibraltar ; which unfortunate towns were a^ain sacked. 

Gibraltar It was a frequent practice with these desperadoes to secure 

plundered their prisoners by shutting them up in churches, where it was 

' easy to keep guard over them. This was done by Morgan at 

z Maracaibo 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. Cn 

Maracaibo and Gibraltar, and with so little care for their chap. 5^ 
subsistence, that many of the prisoners were actually starved to 1669. 
death, whilst their merciless victors were rioting in the plunder 
of their houses. 

Morgan remained so long at Gibraltar, that the Spaniards , 
had time to repair and put in order a castle at the entrance of 
the Lagune of Maracaibo ; and three large Spanish ships of war 
arrived and took stations near the castle, by which they hoped 
to cut off the retreat of the pirates. The Buccaneer Histories His Con- 
give Morgan much credit here, for his management in extri- effecting- 
eating his fleet and prizes from their difficult situation, which is his Retreat, 
related to have been in the following manner. He converted . 
one of his vessels into a fire-ship, but so fitted up as to pre- 
serve the appearance of a ship intended for fighting, and clumps 
of wood were stuck up in her, dressed with hats on, to resemble 
men. By means of this ship, the rest of his fleet following- 
close at hand, he took one of the Spanish ships, and destroyed 
the two others. Still there remained the castle to be passed ; 
which he effected without loss, by a stratagem which deceived 
the Spaniards from their guard. During the day, and in sight 
of the castle, he filled his boats with armed men, and they 
rowed from the ships to a part of the shore which was well 
concealed by thickets. After waiting as long as might be sup- 
posed to be occupied in the landing, all the men lay down 
close in the bottom of the boats, except two in each, who rowed 
them back, going to the sides of the ships which were farthest 
from the castle. This being repeated several times, caused the 
Spaniards to believe that the Buccaneers intended an assault 
by land with their whole force ; and they made disposition 
with their cannon accordingly, leaving the side of the castle 
towards the sea unprovided. When it was night, and the ebb 
tide began to make, Morgan's fleet took up their anchors, and, 

without 



62 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 5. without setting sail, it being moonlight, they fell down the 
1660. river, unperceived, till they were nigh the castle. They then 
set their sails, and fired upon the castle, and before the 
Spaniards could bring their guns back to return the fire, the 
ships were past. The value of the booty made in ihis expe- 
dition was 250,000 pieces of eight. 

Some minor actions of the Buccaneers are omitted here, not 
being of sufficient consequence to excuse detaining the Reader, 
to whom will next be related one of their most remarkable 
exploits. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 



63 



1670. 



CHAP. VI. 

Treaty of America. Expedition of the Buccaneers against Panama. 
Exquemelins History of the American Sea Rovers. Misconduct 
of the European Governors in the West Indies. 

FN July 1670, was concluded a Treaty between Great Britain chap. 6. 

and Spain, made expressly with the intention of terminating 
the Buccaneer war, and of settling all disputes between the 
subjects of the two countries in America. It has been with this 
especial signification entitled the Treaty of America, and is the 
first which appears to have been dictated by a mutual dispo- 
sition to establish peace in the West Indies. The articles par- 
ticularly directed to this end are the following: — 

Art. II. There shall be an universal peace and sincere friend- 
ship, as well in America, as in other parts, between the Kings 
of Great Britain and Spain, their heirs and successors, their Britain and 
kingdoms, plantations, &c. called the 

III. That all hostilities, depredations, &c. shall cease between Treaty of 

r America. 

the subjects of the said Kings. 

IV. The two Kings shall take care that their subjects forbear 
all acts of hostility, and shall call in all commissions, letters of 
marque and reprisals, and punish all offenders, obliging them 
to make reparation. 

VII. All past injuries, on both sides, shall be buried in 
oblivion. 

VIII. The King of Great Britain shall hold and enjoy all the 
lands, countries, &c. he is now possessed of in America. 

IX. The subjects on each side shall forbear trading or sailing 

to any places whatsoever under the dominion of the other, 

without particular licence. 

XIV. Par- 



Treaty 

between 

Great 



64 HISTORY OF THE 

chat. 6. XIV. Particular offences shall be repaired in the common 

1670. course of justice, and no reprisals made unless justice be 

deiiied, or unreasonably retarded. 

When notice of this Treaty was received in the West Indies, 

the Buccaneers, immediately as of one accord, resolved to 

undertake some grand expedition. Many occurrences had 

given rise to jealousies between the English and the French in 

the West Indies ; but Morgan's reputation as a commander was 

so high, that adventurers from all parts signified their readiness 

to join him, and he appointed Cape Tiburon on the West of 

Hispaniola for the place of general rendezvous. In consequence 

of this summons, in the beginning of December 1670, a fleet 

was there collected under his command, consisting of no less 

than thirty-seven vessels of different sizes, and above 2000 men. 

Having so large a force, he held council with the principal 

commanders, and proposed for their determination, which they 

should attempt of the three places, Carthagena, Vera Cruz, and 

Panama. Panama was believed to be the richest, and on that 

City the lot fell. 

A century before, when the name of Buccaneer was not 

known, roving adventurers had crossed the Isthmus of America 

from the West Indies to the South Sea ; but the fate of Oxnam 

and his companions deterred others from the like attempt, until 

the time of the Buccaneers, who, as they increased in numbers, 

extended their enterprises, urged by a kind of necessity, the 

West Indies not furnishing plunder sufficient to satisfy so many 

men, whose modes of expenditure were not less profligate than 

their means of obtaining were violent and iniquitous. 

Expedition The rendezvous appointed by Morgan for meeting his confe- 

Buccaneers derates was distant from any authority which could prevent or 

against impede their operations ; and whilst they remained on the coast 
jranama. . 

of Hispaniola, he emplo} r ed men to hunt cattle, and cure meat. 

He 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 65 

He also sent vessels to collect maize, at the settlements on the chap. 6. 
Tierra Firma. Specific articles of agreement were drawn up ^q. 
and subscribed to, for the distribution of plunder. Morgan, Expedition 
as commander in chief, was to receive one hundredth p a n ama . 
part; each captain was to have eight shares; provision was 
stipulated for the maimed and wounded, and rewards for 
those who should particularly distinguish themselves. These 
matters being settled, on December the 16th, the whole fleet December, 
sailed from Cape Tiburon ; on the 20th, they arrived at the They take 
Island S ta Katalina, then occupied by the Spaniards, who had s ta Katalina. 
garrisoned it chiefly with criminals sentenced to serve there by 
way of punishment. Morgan had fully entered into the 
project of Mansvelt for forming an establishment at S ta Katalina, 
and he was not the less inclined to it now that he considered 
himself as the head of the Buccaneers. The Island surrendered 
upon summons. It is related, that at the request of the 
Governor, in which Morgan indulged him, a military farce was 
perfomed ; Morgan causing cannon charged only with powder 
to be fired at the fort, which returned the like fire for a decent 
time, and then lowered their flag. 

Morgan judged it would contribute to the success of the 
proposed expedition against Panama, to make himself master 
of the fort or castle of San Lorenzo at the entrance of the River 
Chagre. For this purpose he sent a detachment of 400 men 
under the command of an old Buccaneer named Brodely, and 
in the mean time remained himself with the main body of his 
forces at S ta Katalina, to avoid giving the Spaniards cause to 
suspect his further designs. 

Trie Castle of Chagre was strong, both in its works and in Attack of 
situation, being built on the summit of a steep hill. It was t t heRiver 
valiantly assaulted, and no less valiantly defended. The Buc- Chagre. 
cancers were once forced to retreat. They returned to the 
attack, and were nearly a second time driven back, when a 

K powder 



66 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 6. powder magazine in the fort blew up, and the mischief and 

1670. confusion thereby occasioned gave the Buccaneers opportunity 

Expedition to force entrance through the breaches they had made. The 

Panama. Governor of the castle refused to take quarter which was offered 

him by the Buccaneers, as did also some of the Spanish soldiers. 

More than 200 men of 314 which composed the garrison were 

killed. The loss on the side of the Buccaneers was above 1 00 

men killed outright, and 70 wounded. 

On receiving intelligence of the castle being taken, Morgan 

repaired with the rest of his men from S ta Katalina. He set 

the prisoners to work to repair the Castle of San Lorenzo, in 

which he stationed a garrison of 500 men; he also appointed 

l6 7 1 - 150 men to take care of the ships; and on the 18th of January 

aju y- 1671 *, he set forward at the head of 1200 men for Panama. 

JVj j)i*on or 

the One party with artillery and stores embarked in canoes, to 
Buccaneers nioun t the River Cha&re, the course of which is extremely ser- 

across the ° - 

Isthmus, pentine. At the end of the second day, however, they quitted 
the canoes, on account of the many obstructions from trees 
which had fallen in the river, and because the river was at this 
time in many places almost dry; but the way by land was also 
found so difficult for the carriage of stores, that the canoes 
were again resorted to. On the sixth day, when they had 
expended great part of their travelling store of provisions, 
they had the good fortune to discover a barn full of maize. 
They saw many native Indians, who all kept at a distance, 
and it was in vain endeavoured to overtake some. 

On the seventh day they came to a village called Cruz, the 
inhabitants of which had set fire to their houses, and fled. 

They 

* It is proper to mention, that an erroneously printed date, in the English 
edition of the Buccaneers of America, occasioned a mistake to be made in the 
account given of Narbrough's Voyage, respecting the time the Buccaneers kept 
possession of Panama. See Vol. III. of Voyages and Discoveries in the South 
Sea, p. 374. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 67 

They found there, however, fifteen jars of Peruvian wine, and a chap. 6 - t 
sack of bread. The village of Cruz is at the highest part of 1671. 
the River Chagre to which boats or canoes can arrive. It was January, 
reckoned to be eight leagues distant from Panama. Expedition 

00 # against 

On the ninth day of their journey, they came in sight of the Panama. 
South Sea ; and here they were among fields in which cattle 
grazed. Towards evening, they had sight of the steeples of 
Panama. In the course of their march thus far from the Castle 
of Chagre, they lost, by being fired at from concealed places, 
ten men killed; and as many more were wounded. 

Panama had not the defence of regular fortifications. Some 
works had been raised, but in parts the city lay open, and was 
to be won or defended by plain fighting. According to the 
Buccaneer account, the Spaniards had about 2000 infantry 
and 400 horse ; which force, it is to be supposed, was in part 
composed of inhabitants and slaves. 

January the 27th, early in the morning, the Buccaneers 2 7 tn - 
resumed their march towards the city. The Spaniards came ^Jj^ma 
out to meet them. In this battle, the Spaniards made use of taken. 
wild bulls, which they drove upon the Buccaneers to disorder 
their ranks ; but it does not appear to have had much effect. 
In the end, the Spaniards gave way, and before night, the 
Buccaneers were masters of the city. All that day, the 
Buccaneers gave no quarter, either during the battle, or 
afterwards. Six hundred Spaniards fell. The Buccaneers lost 
many men, but the number is not specified. 

One of the first precautions taken by Morgan after his 
victory, was to prevent drunkenness among his men : to which 
end, he procured to have it reported to him that all the wine 
in the city had been poisoned by the inhabitants ; and on the 
ground of this intelligence, he strictly prohibited every one, 
under severe penalties, from tasting wine. Before they had well 

k 2 fixed 



68 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 6. fi xe( j their quarters in Panama, several parts of the city burst 
1671. out in flames, which spread so rapidly, that in a short time 

Expedition many magnificent edifices built with cedar, and a great part of 
Panama, the city, were burnt to the ground. Whether this was done 
designedly, or happened accidentally, owing to the consternation 
burnt. °f the inhabitants during the assault, has been disputed. 
Morgan is accused of having directed some of his people to 
commit this mischief, but no motive is assigned that could 
induce him to an act which cut off his future prospect of 
ransom. Morgan charged it upon the Spaniards ; and it is 
acknowledged the Buccaneers gave all the assistance they were 
able to those of the inhabitants who endeavoured to stop the 
progress of the fire, which nevertheless continued to burn near 
four weeks before it was quite extinguished. Among the build- 
ings destroyed, was a factory-house belonging to the Genoese, 
who then carried on the trade of supplying the Spaniards 
with slaves from Africa. 

The rapacity, licentiousness, and cruelty, of the Buccaneers, 
in their pillage of Panama, had no bounds. ' They spared, 5 
says the narrative of a Buccaneer named Exquemelin, ' in 
' these their cruelties no sex nor condition whatsoever. As to 
' religious persons and priests, they granted them less quarter 
' than others, unless they procured a considerable sum of money 
' for their ransom/ Morgan sent detachments to scour the 
country for plunder, and to bring in prisoners from whom 
ransom might be extorted. Many of the inhabitants escaped 
with their effects by sea, and went for shelter to the Islands 
in the Bay of Panama. Morgan found a large boat lying aground 
in the Port, which he caused to be lanched, and manned with 
a numerous crew, and sent her to cruise among the Islands. 
A galeon, on board which the women of a convent had taken 
refuge, and in which money, plate, and other valuable effects, 

had 



BUCCANEERS OE AMERICA. 69 

&iad been lodged, very narrowly escaped falling into their , c H A p - 6 ; 
hands. They made prize of several vessels, one of which was 1671. 
well adapted for cruising. This opened a new prospect ; and Expedition 
some of the Buccaneers began to consult how they might quit p^ama. 
Morgan, and seek their fortunes on the South Sea, whence they 
proposed to sail, with the plunder they should obtain, by the 
East Indies to. Europe. But Morgan received notice of their 
design before it could be put in execution, and to prevent 
such a diminution of his force, he ordered the masts of the 
ship to be cut away, and all the boats or vessels lying at 
Panama which could suit their purpose, to be burnt. 

The old city of Panama is said to have contained 7000 houses, Feb. 24th. 
many of which were magnificent edifices built with cedar. The 
On the 24th of February, Morgan and his men departed from depart from 
its ruins, taking with them 175 mules laden with spoil, and P anama ~ 
600 prisoners, some of them carrying burthens, and others for 
whose release ransom was expected. Among the latter were 
many women and children. These poor creatures were 
designedly caused to suffer extreme hunger and thirst, and 
kept under apprehensions of being carried to Jamaica to be 
sold as slaves, that they might the more earnestly endeavour to 
procure money to be brought for their ransom. When some of 
the women, upon their knees and in tears, begged of Morgan 
to let them return to their families, his answer to them was, 
that ' he came not there to listen to cries and lamentations, 
but to seek money/ Morgan's thirst for money was not 
restrained to seeking it among his foes. He had a hand 
equally ready for that of his friends. Neither did he think 
his friends people to be trusted ; for in the middle of the 
march back to Chagre, he drew up his men and caused them 
to be sworn, that they had not reserved or concealed any 
plunder, but had delivered all fairly into the common stock. 

This 



70 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 6. This ceremony, it seems, was not uncustomary. 4 But Captain 

1671. * Morgan having had experience that those loose fellows 

4 would not much stickle to swear falsely in such a case, he 

4 commanded every one to be searched ; and that it might not 

4 be esteemed an affront, he permitted himself to be first 

* searched, even to the very soles of his shoes. The French 
' Buccaneers who had engaged on this expedition with Morgan, 
4 were not well satisfied with this new custom of searching ; but 
4 their number being less than that of the English, they were 
6 forced to submit/ Oh arriving at Chagre, a division was 
made. The narrative says, ' every person received his portion, 
4 or rather what part thereof Captain Morgan was pleased 
4 to give him. For so it was, that his companions, even those 
4 of his own nation, complained of his proceedings; for they 
4 judged it impossible that, of so many valuable robberies, no 
4 greater share should belong to them than 200 pieces of eight 
4 per head. But Captain Morgan was deaf to these, and to 
4 manj' other complaints of the same kind/ 

As Morgan Avas not disposed to allay the discontents of his 
men by coming to a more open reckoning with them, to avoid 
having the matter pressed upon him, he determined to with- 
draw from his command, 4 which he did without calling any 
4 council, or bidding any one adieu ; but went secretly on 
4 board his own ship, and put out to sea without giving notice, 
4 being followed only by three or four vessels of the whole fleet, 

* who it is believed went shares with him in the greatest part of 
4 the spoil/ 

The rest of the Buccaneer vessels soon separated. Morgan 
went to Jamaica, and had begun to levy men to go with him to 
the Island S ta Katalina, which he purposed to hold as his own, 
and to make it a common place of refuge for pirates ; when the 
arrival of anew Governor at Jamaica, Lord John Vaughan, with 

orders 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. . 71 

orders to enforce the late treaty with Spain, obliged him to chap. 6^ 
relinquish his plan. 

The foregoing account of the destruction of Panama by Exquemeiin's 
Morgan, is taken from a History of the Buccaneers of America, offh^ 
written originally in the Dutch language b\ T a Buccaneer named Buccaneers 
Exquemelin, and published at Amsterdam in 1673, with the 
title of De Americaensche Zee Hoovers. Exquemeiin's hook 
contains only partial accounts of the actions of some of the 
principal among the Buccaneers. He has set forth the valour 
displayed by them in the most advantageous light ; but 
generally, what he has related is credible. His history has 
been translated into all the European languages, but with 
various additions and alterations by the translators, each of 
whom has inclined to maintain the military reputation of his 
own nation. The Spanish translation is entitled Piratas, and 
has the following short complimentary Poem prefixed, addressed 
to the Spanish editor and emendator : — 

De Agamenon canto la vida Homero 

Y Virgilio de Eneas lo piadoso » 

Camoes de Gama el curso presurosso 

Gongora el brio de Colon Velero. 

Tu, O Alonso ! mas docto y verdadoro, 
Descrives del America ingenioso 
Lo que assalta el Pirata codicioso : 
Lo que defiende el Espanol Guerrero. 

The French translation is entitled Les Avanturiers qui se sont 
signalez duns les Indes, and contains actions of the French Fli- 
bustiers which are not in Exquemelin. The like has been done 
in the English translation, which has for title The Bucaniers of 
America. The English translator, speaking of the sacking of 
Panama, has expressed himself with a strange mixture of 
boasting and compunctious feeling. This account, he says, 
contains the unparalleled and bold exploits of Sir Henry 

Morgan, 



72 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 6. Morgan, written b} r one of the Buccaneers who was present at 

v ■ 

those tragedies. 

It has been remarked, that the treaty of America furnishes an 
apology for the enterprises of the Buccaneers previous to its 
notification ; it being so worded as to admit an inference that 
the English and Spaniards were antecedently engaged in a 
continual war in America. 

1671. The new Governor of Jamaica was authorized and instructed 
to proclaim a general pardon, and indemnity from prosecution, 
for all piratical offences committed to that time ; and to grant 
35 acres of land to every Buccaneer who should claim the 
benefit of the proclamation, and would promise to apply himself 
to planting ; a measure from which the most beneficial effects 
might have been expected, not to the British colonists only, 
but to all around, in turning a number of able men from 
destructive occupations to useful and productive pursuits, if it 
had not been made subservient to sordid views. The author of 
the History of Jamaica says, ' This offer was intended as a lure to 
8 engage the Buccaneers to come into port with their effects, 
' that the Governor might, and which he was directed to do, 
4 take from them the tenths and fifteenths of their booty as the 
* dues of the Crown [and of the Colonial Government] for 
£ granting them commissions.' Those who had neglected to 
obtain commissions would of course have to make their peace 
by an increased composition. In consequence of this scandalous 
procedure, the Jamaica Buccaneers, to avoid being so taxed, 
kept aloof from Jamaica, and were provoked to continue their 
old occupations. Most of them joined the French Flibustiers 
at Tortuga. Some were afterwards apprehended at Jamaica, 
where they were brought to trial, condemned as pirates, and 
executed. 

1672. A war which was entered into by Great Britain and France 

against 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 73 

against Holland, furnished for a time employment for the chap. 6.^ 

Buccaneers and Flibustiers, and procured the Spaniards a 

short respite. 

In 1673, the French made an attempt to take the Island 1673. 

of Curacao from the Dutch, and failed. M. d'Ogeron, the . IJbustiers 
3 .... shipwreck- 

Governor of Tortuga, intended to have joined in this expe- ed at 

dition, for which purpose he sailed in a ship named l'Ecueil, orto lco; 
manned with 300 Flibusliers; but in the night of the 25th 
of February, she ran aground among some small islands and 
rocks, near the North side of the Island Porto Rico. The 
people got safe to land, but were made close prisoners by the 
Spaniards. After some months imprisonment, M. d'Ogeron, 
with three others, made their escape in a canoe, and got back 
to Tortuga. The Governor General over the French West- 
India Islands at that time, was a M. de Baas, who sent to 
Porto Rico to demand the deliverance of the French detained 
there prisoners. The Spanish Governor of Porto Rico required 
3000 pieces of eight to be paid for expences incurred. 
De Baas was unwilling to comply with the demand, and sent an 
agent to negociate for an abatement in the sum ; but they came 
to no agreement. M. d'Ogeron in the mean time collected five 
hundred men in Tortuga and Hispaniola, with whom he 
embarked in a number of small vessels to pass over to Porto 
Rico, to endeavour the release of his shipwrecked companions; 
but by repeated tempests, several of his flotilla were forced back, 
and he reached Porto Rico with only three hundred men. 

On their landing, the Spanish Governor put to death all his And put to 
French prisoners, except seventeen of the officers. Afterwards jf^the 
in an engagement with the Spaniards, D'Ogeron lost seventeen Spaniards. 
men, and found his strength not sufficient to force the Spaniards 
to terms ; upon which he withdrew from Porto Rico, and returned 
to Tortuga. The seventeen French officers that were spared in 

L the 



74 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 6. the massacre of the prisoners, the Governor of Porto Rico put 
1673. on board a vessel bound for the Tierra Firma, with the intention 
of transporting them to Peru; but from that fate they were 
delivered by meeting at sea with an English Buccaneer cruiser. 
Thus, by the French Governor General disputing about a 
trifling balance, three hundred of the French Buccaneers, whilst 
employed for the French king's service under one of his 
officers, were sacrificed. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 75 



CHAP. VII. 

Thomas Peche. Attempt of La Sound to cross the Isthmus 
of America. Voyage of Antonio de Vea to the Strait of 
Magalhanes. Various Adventures of the Buccaneers, in the 
West Indies, to the year 1679. 

N 1673, Thomas Peche, an Englishman, fitted out a ship chap. 7. 



T 

in England for a piratical voyage to the South Sea against 167$. 
the Spaniards. Previous to this, Peche had been many years Thomas 
a Buccaneer in the West Indies, and therefore his voyage to the Peche - 
South Sea is mentioned as a Buccaneer expedition; but it was 
in no manner connected with any enterprise in or from the 
West Indies. The only information we have of Peche's voyage 
is from a Spanish author, Seixas y Lover a ; and by that it may 
be conjectured that Peche sailed to the Aleutian Isles.* 

About this time the French West-India Company was 1675, 
suppressed ; but another Company was at the same time erected 
in its stead, and under the unpromising title of Compagnic 
des Fermiers du domaine d'Occidefit. 

Since the plundering of Panama, the imaginations of the 
Buccaneers had been continually running on expeditions to the 
South Sea. This was well known to the Spaniards, and produced 
many forebodings and prophecies, in Spain as well as in Peru, of 
great invasions both by sea and land. The alarm was increased 
by an attempt of a French Buccaneer, named La Sound, with La Sound 
a small body of men, to cross over land to the South Sea, a ci e ™ s p tn e° 

La Isthmus. 

* Theatro Naval Hydrographico. Cap. xi. See also of Peche, in Vol. 111. of 
South Sea Voyages and Discoveries, p. 392. 

L 2 



76 HISTORY OF THE 

chap, y. £, a Sound got no farther than the town of Cheapo, and was 
1675. driven back. Dampier relates, ' Before my going to the South 
' Seas, I being then on board a privateer off Portobel, we took 
' a packet from Carthagena. We opened a great many of the 
' merchants' letters, several of which informed their corres- 
1 pondents of a certain prophecy that went about Spain that 
' year, the tenor of which was, That the English privateers in 
' the West Indies would that year open a door into the South Seas' 
In 1675, it was reported and believed in Peru, that strange 
ships, supposed to be Pirates, had been seen on the coast, of 
Chili, and it was apprehended that they designed to form an 
Voyage of establishment there. In consequence of this information or 
Ant.de Vea rumourj the Viceroy sent a ship from Peru, under the command 
Strait of of Don Antonio de Vea, accompanied with small barks as 
tenders, to reconnoitre the Gulf de la Santissima Trinidada, 
and to proceed thence to the West entrance of the Strait 
of Magalhanes. De Vea made examination at those places, and 
was convinced, from the poverty of the land, that no settle- 
ment of Europeans could be maintained there. One of the 
Spanish barks, with a crew of sixteen men, was wrecked on the 
small Islands called Evangelists, at the West entrance of the 
Strait. De Vea returned to Callao in April 1676*. 
1676. The cattle in Hispaniola had again multiplied so much as to 

revive the business of hunting and the boucan. In 1676, some 
French who had habitations in the Peninsula of Samana (the 
NE part of Hispaniola) made incursions on the Spaniards, and 
plundered one of their villages. Not long afterwards, the 
Spaniards learnt that in Samana there were only women and 
children, the men being all absent on the chace ; and that it 
would be easy to surprise not only the habitations, but the 
hunters also, who had a boucan at a place called the 'Round 

Mountain. 

# Not, de las Lxp. MagaL p. 268, of Utt. Viage at Estrecho. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 77 

Mountain. This the Spaniards executed, and with such full chap. 7. 
indulgence to their wish to extirpate the French in Hispaniola, 1 Q-Q m 
that they put to the sword every one they found at both Massacre 
the places. The French, in consequence of this misfortune, F ° ench e in 
strengthened their fortifications at Cape Francois, and made it Samaria. 
their principal establishment in the Island. 

In 1678, the French again undertook an expedition against 1678. 
the Dutch Island Curacao, with a large fleet of the French 
king's ships, under the command of Admiral the Count d'Elrees. 
The French Court were so earnest for the conquest of Curacao, 
to wipe off the disgrace of the former failure, that the Governor 
of Tortuga was ordered to raise 1200 men to join the Admiral 
d'Etrees. The king's troops within his government did not 
exceed 300 men; nevertheless, the Governor collected the num- 
ber required, the Flibustiers willingly engaging in the expe- 
dition. Part of them embarked on board the king's ships, 
and part in their own cruising vessels. By mistake in the French 
navigation, d'Etrees ran ashore in the middle of the night on | eet 

o o ^ wrecked on 

some small Isles to the East of Curacao, called de Aves, which the Isles 
are surrounded with breakers, and eighteen of his ships, besides te ves- 
some of the Flibustier vessels, were wrecked. The crews were 
saved, excepting about 300 men. 

The Curacao expedition being thus terminated, the Flibustiers 
who had engaged in it, after saving as much as they could of 
the wrecks, went on expeditions of their own planning, to 
seek compensation for their disappointment and loss. Some 
landed on Cuba, and pillaged Puerto del P?incipe. One party, Granmont. 
under Granmont, a leader noted for the success of his enter- 
prises, went to the Gulf of Venezuela, and the ill-fated towns 
Maracaibo and Gibraltar were again plundered ; but what the 
Buccaneers obtained was not of much value. In August this 
year, France concluded a treaty of peace with Spain and 
Holland. 

The 



78. HISTORY OF THE 

cha t. 7. The Government in Jamaica had by this time relapsed to its 
1678. former propensities, and again encouraged the Buccaneers, and 
shared in their gains. One crew of Buccaneers carried there a 
vessel taken from the Spaniards, the cargo of which produced 
for each man's share to the value of 400 /. After disposing of 
the cargo, they burnt the vessel ; and ' having paid the 
■ Governor his duties, they embarked for England, where,' 
added the author, * some of them live in good reputation to . 
' this day *.' 

As long as the war had lasted between France and Spain, the 
French Buccaneers had the advantage of being lawful pri- 
vateers. An English Buccaneer relates, ' We met a French 
' private ship of war, mounting eight guns, who kept in our 
4 company some days. Her commission was only for three 
4 months. We shewed him our commission, which was for three 

* years to come. This we had purchased at a cheap rate, having 
4 given for it only ten pieces of eight; but the truth of the 

* thing was, that our commission was made out at first only 
' for three months, the same date as the Frenchman's, whereas 
4 among ourselves we contrived to make it that it should serve 
4 for three years, for with this we were resolved to seek our 
4 fortunes.' Whenever Spain was at war with another Euro- 
pean Power, adventurers of any country found no difficulty in 
the West Indies in procuring commissions to war against the 
Spaniards; with which commission, and carrying aloft the flag 
of the nation hostile to Spain, they assumed that they were 
lawful enemies. Such pretensions did them small service if 
they fell into the hands of the Spaniards ; but they were 
allowed in the ports of neutral nations, which benefited by 
being made the mart of the Buccaneer prize goods ; and the 
Buccaneers thought themselves well recompensed in having a 
ready market, and the security of the port. 

The 

* Buccaneers of America, Fait III. Ch. xi. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. ■ 79 

The enterprises of the Buccaneers on the Tierra Firma and chat. 7. 
Other parts of the American Continent, brought them into ^s. 
frequent intercourse with the natives of those parts, and Dariea 
produced friendships, and sometimes alliances against the Spa- 
niards, with whom each were alike at constant enmity. But 
there sometimes happened disagreements between them and 
.the natives. The Buccaneers, if they wanted provisions or 
assistance from the Indians, had no objection to pay for it 
when they had the means ; nor had the natives objection to 
supply them on that condition, and, occasionally out of pure 
good will. The Buccaneers nevertheless, did not always refrain 
from helping themselves, with no other leave than their own. 
Sometime before Morgan's expedition to Panama, they had given 
the Indians of Darien much offence; but shortly after that expe- 
dition, they were reconciled, in consequence of which, the 
Darien Indians had assisted La Sound. In 1678, they gave 
assistance to another party of Flibustiers which went against 
Cheapo, under a French Captain named Bournano, and offered 
to conduct them to a place called Tocamoro, where they said the 
Spaniards had much gold. Bournano did not think his force 
sufficient to take advantage of their offer, but promised he 
would come again and be better provided. 

In 1679, three Buccaneer vessels (two of them English, and 1679. 
one French) joined in an attempt to plunder Porto Bello. Porto Be | Jo 

' ** 11 surprised 

They landed 200 men at such a distance from the town, that it by the 
occupied them three nights in travelling, for during the day they uccaneers - 
lay concealed in the woods, before they reached it. Just as they 
came to the town, they were discovered by a negro, who ran 
before to give intelligence of their coming ; but the Buccaneers 
were so quickly after him, that they got possession of the town 
before the inhabitants could take any step for their defence, 

and, 



80 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 7. and, being unacquainted with the strength of the enemy, they 
rfjg. all fled. The Buccaneers remained in the town collecting 
plunder two days and two nights, all the time in apprehension 
that the Spaniards would c pour in the country' upon their small 
force, or intercept their retreat. They got back however to their 
ships unmolested, and, on a division of the booty, shared 160 
pieces of eight to each man. 



BUCCANEERS OE AMERICA. si 



CHAP. VIII. 

Meeting of Buccaneers at the Samballas, and Golden Island. 
Party formed by the English Buccaneers to cross the Isthmus. 
Some account of the Native Inhabitants of the Mosquito Shore. 

IMMEDIATELY after the plundering of Porto Bello, a chap. 8. 

number of Buccaneer vessels, both English and French, on 
the report which had been made bj Captain Bournano, 
assembled at the Samballas, or Isles of San Bias, near the coast 
of Darien. One of these vessels was commanded by Bournano. 
The Indians of Darien received them as friends and allies, 
but they now disapproved the project of going to Tocamoro. 
The way thither, they said, was mountainous, and through a 
long tract of uninhabited country, in which it would be difficult 
to find subsistence ; and instead of Tocamoro, they advised going 
against the city of Panama. Their representation caused the 
design upon Tocamoro to be given up. The English Buccaneers 10 -g 0# 
were for attacking Panama; but the French objected to the 
length of the march ; and on this difference, the English and 
French separated, the English Buccaneers going to an Island 
called by them Golden Island, which is the most eastern of the Golden 
Samballas, if not more properly to be said to the eastward of lsland - 
all the Samballas. 

Without the assistance of the French, Panama was too great 
an undertaking, They were bent, however, on crossing the 
Isthmus; and at the recommendation of their Darien friends, 
they determined to visit a Spanish town named Santa Maria, 
situated on the banks of a river that ran into the South Sea. 
The Spaniards kept a good garrison at Santa Maria, on 
account of gold which was collected from mountains in its 
neighbourhood. 

M The 



83 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 8. The Buccaneers who engaged in this expedition were the 
1680. crews of seven vessels, of force as in the following list : 

Guns Men 

A vessel of 8 and 97 commanded by John Coxon. 

sts 25 -. 107 - - - - Peter Harris. 

— * ."• "3.5 .""."* " Richard Sawkins. 

— 2-40 - - - - Bart. Sharp. 
-?- 0-43 ---- Edmond Cook. 

— 0-24 _-_- Robert Alleston. 

— 0-20 --._ , Macket. 

It was settled that, Alleston and Macket, with 35 men, them- 
selves included, should be left to guard the vessels during the 
absence of those who went on the expedition, which was not 
expected to be of long continuance. These matters were arranged 
at Golden Island, and agreement made with the Darien Indians 
to furnish them with subsistence during the march. 

William Dampier, a seaman at that time of no celebrity, 
but of good observation and experience, was among these 
Buccaneers, and of the party to cross the Isthmus; as was 
Lionel Wafer, since well known for his Description of the 
Isthmus of Darien, who had engaged with them as surgeon. 

Account In this party of Buccaneers were also some native Ame- 
Mos uito r * cans » °f a sraall tribe called Mosquito Indians, who inha- 

Indians. bited the sea coast on each side of Cape Gracias a Dios, 
one way towards the river San Juan de Nicaragua, the other 
towards the Gulf of Honduras, which is called the Mosquito 
Shore. If Europeans had any plea in justification of their 
hostility against the Spaniards in the West Indies, much more 
had the native Americans. The Mosquito Indians, moreover, 
had long been, and were at the time of these occurrences, 
in an extraordinary degree attached to the English, insomuch 
that voluntarily of their own choice they acknowledged the 
King of Great Britain for their sovereign. They were an ex- 
tremely ingenious people, and were greatly esteemed by the 
European seamen in the West Indies^ on account of their great 

expertness 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 83 

expertness in the use of the harpoon, and in taking turtle. The chap. 8. 

following character of them is given by Dampier: 'These ofthe 
Mosquito Indians/ he says, ' are tall, well made, strong, and Mosquito 
nimble of foot ; long visaged, lank black hair, look stern, and 
are of a dark copper complexion. They are but a small 
nation or family. They are very ingenious in throwing the 
lance, or harpoon. They have extraordinary good eyes, and 
will descry a sail at sea, farther than we. For these things, 
they are esteemed and coveted by all privateers ; for one or 
two of them in a ship, will sometimes maintain a hundred men. 
When they come among privateers, they learn the use of guns, 
and prove very good marksmen. They behave themselves 
bold in fight, and are never seen to flinch, or hang back ; for 
they think that the white men with whom they are, always 
know better than they do, when it is best to fight ; and be 
the disadvantage never so great, they do not give back while 
any of their party stand. These Mosquito men are in general 
very kind to the English, of whom they receive a great deal 
of respect, both on board their ships, and on shore, either in 
Jamaica, or elsewhere. We always humour them, letting them 
go any where as they will, and return to their country in any 
vessel bound that way, if they please. They will have the 
management of themselves in their striking fish, and will go in 
their own little canoe, nor will they then let any white man 
come in their canoe ; all which we allow them. For should we 
cross them, though they should see shoals of fish, or turtle, or 
the like, they will purposely strike their harpoons and turtle- 
irons aside, or so glance them as to kill nothing. They ac- 
knowledge the King of England for their sovereign, learn 
our language, and take the Governor of Jamaica to be one of 
the greatest princes in the world. While they are among the 
English, they wear good cloaths, and take delight to go neat 
and tight ; but when they return to their own country, they 

m2 i put 



8* HISTORY OF THE 

, c H A v p ' s \ ' put by all their cloaths, and go after their own country 

Of the * fashion/ 

Induuis? In Dampier's time, it was the custom among the Mosquito 
Indians, when their Chief died, for his successor to obtain a 
commission, appointing him Chief, from the Governor of 
Jamaica; and till he received his commission he was not ac- 
knowledged in form by his countrymen*. 

How would Dampier have been grieved, if he could have 
foreseen that this simple and honest people, whilst their attach- 
ment to the English had suffered no diminution, would be 
delivered by the British Government into the hands of the Spa- 
niards; which, from all experience of what had happened, was 
delivering them to certain destruction. 

Before this unhappy transaction took place, and after the 
time Dampier wrote, the British Government took actual pos- 
session of the Mosquito Country, by erecting a fort, and sta- 
tioning there a garrison of British troops. British merchants 
settled among the Mosquito natives, and magistrates were ap- 
pointed with authority to administer justice. Mosquito men 
were taken into British pay to serve as soldiers, of which the 
following story is related in Long's History of Jamaica. ' In 
4 the year 1 738, the Government of Jamaica took into their pay 
* two hundred Mosquito Indians, to assist in the suppression of 
' the Maroons or Wild Negroes. During a march on this ser- 

4 vice, 

* ' They never forfeit their word. The King has his commission from the 
' Governor of Jamaica, and at every new Governor's arrival, they come over to 
' know his pleasure. The King of the Mosquitos was received by his Grace the 
' Duke of Portland (Governor of Jamaica, a.d. 1722-3) with that courtesy which 
1 was natural to him, and with more ceremony than seemed to be due to a 
' Monarch who held his sovereignty by commission.'—' The Mosquito Indians 
' had a victory over the Spanish Indians about 30 years ago, and cut off a number ; 
' but gave a Negro who was with them, his life purely on account of his speaking 
' English.' History of Jamaica. London 1774. Book i. Ch, 12. And British 
Empire in America, Vol. II. pp. 367 & 371. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 85 

6 vice, one of their white conductors shot a wild hog. The chap. 8. 

* Mosquito men told him, that was not the way to surprise the of the 

' negroes, but to put them on their guard ; and if he wanted M° S( l ulto 

^ ° , , Indians. 

4 provisions, they would kill the game equally well with their 
4 arrows. They effected considerable service on this occasion, 

* and were well rewarded for their good conduct; and when 

* a pacification took place with the Maroons, they were sent 

* well satisfied to their own country,' 

In the year 1770, there resided in the Mosquito Country of 
British settlers, between two and three hundred whites, as 
many of mixed blood, and 900 slaves. On the breaking out 
of the war between Great Britain and Spain, in 1779, when the 
Spaniards drove the British logwood cutters from their settle- 
ments in the Bay of Honduras, the Mosquito men armed and 
assisted the British troops of the line in the recovery of the 
logwood settlements. They behaved on that occasion, and on 
others in which they served against the Spaniards, with their 
accustomed fidelity. An English officer, who was in the West 
Indies during that war, has given a description of the Mosquito 
men, which exactly agrees with whatDampier has said; and all 
that is related of them whilst with the Buccaneers, gives the 
most favourable impression of their dispositions and character. 
It was natural to the Spaniards to be eagerly desirous to get the 
Mosquito Country and people into their power ; but it was not 
natural that such a proposition should be listened to by the 
British. Nevertheless, the matter did so happen. 

When notice was received in the West Indies, that a nego- 
ciation was on foot for the delivery of the Mosquito Shore to 
Spain, the Council at Jamaica drew up a Report and Remon- 
strance against it ; in which was stated, that 'the number of 

* the Mosquito Indians, so justly remarkable for their fixed 
4 hereditary hatred to the Spaniards, and attachment to us, were 
4 from seven to ten thousand/ Afterwards, in continuation, the 

Memorial 



86 HISTORY OF THE 

chapJ. Memorial says, * We beg leave to state the nature of His 

1 V 

Of the ' Majesty's territorial right, perceiving with alarm, from papers 
Mosquito i submitted to our inspection, that endeavours have been made 

Indians. L 

6 to create doubts as to His Majesty's just claims to the 
4 sovereignty of this valuable and delightful country. The 

* native Indians of this country have never submitted to 

* the Spanish Government. The Spaniards never had any 

* settlement amongst them. During the course of 150 years 
? they have maintained a strict and uninterrupted alliance with 
*■ the subjects of Great Britain. They made a free and formal 
' cession of the dominion of their country to His Majesty's 
' predecessors, acknowledging the King of Great Britain for 
' their sovereign, long before the American Treaty concluded 
6 at Madrid in 1670; and consequently, by the eighth ilrticle of 
' that Treaty, our right was declared*.' In one Memorial and 
Remonstrance which was presented to the British Ministry on 
the final ratification (in 1786) of the Treaty, it is complained, 
that thereby his Majesty had given up to the King of Spain 
6 the Indian people, and country of the Mosquito Sliore, which 
c formed the most secure West-Indian Province possessed by 

* Great Britain, and which we held by the most pure and 

* perfect title of sovereignty.' Much of this is digression ; but 
the subject unavoidably came into notice, and could not be 
hastily quitted. 

Some mercantile arrangement, said to be advantageous to 
Great Britain, but which has been disputed, was the publicly 
assigned motive to this act. It has been conjectured that a 
desire to shew civility to the Prime Minister of Spain was the 
real motive. Only blindness or want of information could give 
either of these considerations such fatal influence. 

The making over, or transferring, inhabited territory from 

the 

* Case of His Majesty's Subjects upon the Mosquito Shore, most humbly sub- 
mitted, &c. London, 1789. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 87 

the dominion and jurisdiction of one state to that of another, chap. 8. 
has been practised not always with regard for propriety. It has Of the 
been done sometimes unavoidably, sometimes justly, and some- j^^g 
times inexecusably. Unavoidably, when a weaker state is 
necessitated to submit to the exactions of a stronger. Justly, 
when the inhabitants of the territory it is proposed to transfer, 
are consulted, and give their consent. Also it may be reckoned 
just to exercise the power of transferring a conquered terri- 
tory, the inhabitants of which have not been received and 
adopted as fellow subjects with the subjects of the state 
under whose power it had fallen. 

The inhabitants of a territory who with their lands are 
transferred to the dominion of a new state without their 
inclinations being consulted, are placed in the condition of 
a conquered people. 

The connexion of the Mosquito people with Great Britain 
was formed in friendship, and was on each side a voluntary 
engagement. That it was an engagement, should be no question. 
In equity and honour, whoever permits it to be believed that 
he has entered into an engagement, thereby becomes engaged. 
The Mosquito people were known to believe, and had been 
allowed to continue in the belief, that they were permanently 
united to the British. The Governors of Jamaica giving com- 
missions for the instalment of their chief, the building a fort, 
and placing a garrison in the country, shew both acceptance of 
their submission and exercise of sovereignty. 

Vattel has decribed this case. He says, e When a nation has 

* not sufficient strength of itself, and is not in a condition to 
■ resist its enemies, it may lawfully submit to a more powerful 

* nation on certain conditions upon which they shall come to 

* an agreement ; and the pact or treaty of submission will be 

* afterwards the measure and rule of the rights of each. For 

' that 



88 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 8. \ that which submits, resigning a right it possessed, and con- 
Of the ' ve J m g ^ to another, has an absolute power to make this 

Mosquito s conveyance upon what conditions it pleases ; and the other, by 
4 accepting the submission on this footing, engages to observe 
4 religiously all the clauses in the treaty. 

4 When a nation has placed itself under the protection of 
4 another that is more powerful, or has submitted to it with a 
4 view of protection; if this last does not effectually grant its 
4 protection when wanted, it is manifest that by failing in its 
4 engagements it loses the rights it had acquired/ 

The rights lost or relinquished by Great Britain might 
possibly be of small import to her; but the loss of our pro- 
tection was of infinite consequence to the Mosquito people. 
Advantages supposed or real gained to Great Britain, is not to 
be pleaded in excuse or palliation for withdrawing her pro- 
tection ; for that would seem to imply that an engagement 
is more or less binding according to the greater or less interest 
there ma}' be in observing it. But if there had been no 
engagement, the length and steadiness of their attachment to 
Great Britain would have entitled them to her protection, and 
the nature of the case rendered the obligation sacred ; for 
be it repeated, that experience had shewn the delivering them 
up to the dominion of the Spaniards, was delivering them to 
certain slavery and death. These considerations possibly might 
not occur, for there seems to have been a want of information 
on the subject in the British Ministry, and also a want of 
attention to the remonstrances made. The Mosquito Country, 
and the native inhabitants, the best affected and most constant 
of all the friends the British ever had, were abandoned in the 
summer of 1787, to the Spaniards, the known exterminators of 
millions of the native Americans, and who were moreover 
incensed against the Mosquito men, for the part they had 

always 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 89 

always taken with the British, by whom they were thus chap.8. 
forsaken. The British settlers in that country found it necessary of the 
to withdraw as speedily as they had opportunity, with their ¥ ^* 
effects. 

If the business had been fully understood, and the safety of 
Great Britain had depended upon abandoning the Mosquito 
people to their merciless enemies, it would have been thought 
disgraceful by the nation to have done it; but the national 
interest being trivial, and the public in general being un- 
informed in the matter, the transaction took place without 
attracting much notice. A motion, however, was made in the 
British House of Lords, ' that the terms of the Convention 
4 with Spain, signed in July 1786, did not meet the favourable 
4 opinion of this House;'' and the noble Mover objected to 
that part of the Convention which related to the surrender of 
the British possessions on the Mosquito Shore, that it was a 
humiliation, and derogating from the rights of Great Britain. 
The first Article of the Treaty of 1786 says, 'His Britannic 
* Majesty's subjects, and the other Colonists, who have hitherto 
4 enjoyed the protection of England, shall evacuate the Country 
4 of the Mosquitos, as well as the Continent in general, and the 
4 Islands adjacent, without exception, situated beyond the line 
4 hereafter described, as what ought to be the extent of terri- 
4 tory granted by his Catholic Majesty to the English/ 

In the debate, rights were asserted for Spain, not only to 
what she then possessed on the Continent of America, but to 
parts she had never possessed. Was this want of information, 
or want of consideration ? The word 4 granted' was improperly 
introduced. In truth and justice, the claims of Spain to America 
are not to be acknowledged rights. They were founded in 
usurpation, and prosecuted by the extermination of the lawful 
and natural proprietors. It is an offence to morality and to 

N humanity 



90 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 8. humanity to pretend that Spain had so clear and just a title to 
Of the any part of her possessions on the Continent of America,) as 

^n£s° Great Britain nad to tne Mosquito Country. The rights of the 
Mosquito people, and their claims to the friendship of Great 
Britain, were not sufficiently made known ; and the motion 
was negatived. It might have been of service in this debate to 
have quoted Dampier. 

In conclusion, the case of the Mosquito people deserves, 
and demands the reconsideration of Great Britain. If, on 
examination, it shall be proved that they have been unge- 
nerously and unjustly treated, it may not be too late to seek 
to make reparation, which ought to be done as far as circum- 
stances will yet admit. The first step towards this would be, to 
institute enquiry if there are living any of our forsaken friends, 
or of their posterity, and what is their present condition. If 
the Mosquito people have been humanely and justly governed 
since their separation from Great Britain, the enquiry will give 
the Spaniards cause for triumph, and the British cause to 
rejoice that evil has not resulted from their act. On the other 
hand, should it be found that they have shared in the common 
calamities heaped upon the natives of America by the Spaniards, 
then, if there yet exist enough of their tribe to form a nation, it 
would be right to restore them, if practicable, to the country 
and situation of which their fathers were deprived, or to find 
them an equivalent ; and at any price or pains, to deliver them 
from oppression. If only few remain, those few should be 
freed from their bondage, and be liberally provided with lands 
and maintenance in our own West-India Islands. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 91 



O 



CHAP. IX. 

Journey of the Buccaneers across the Isthmus of America. 
N the 5th of April, 1680, three hundred and thirty-one chap. 9. 



Buccaneers, most of them English, passed over from 1.680. 
Golden Island, and landed in Darien, ' each man provided with April 5th, 
' four cakes of bread called dough-boys, with a fusil, a pistol, Sj^orTthe 
* and a hanger/ They began their journey marshalled in divi- Isthmus, 
sions, with distinguishing flags, under their several commanders, 
Bartholomew Sharp and his men taking the lead. Many 
Darien Indians kept them company as their confederates, and 
supplied them with plantains, fruit, and venison, for which pay- 
ment was made in axes, hatchets, knives, needles, beads, and 
trinkets ; all which the Buccaneers had taken care to come 
well provided with. Among the Darien Indians in company 
were two Chiefs, who went by the names of Captain Andreas 
and Captain Antonio. 

The commencement of their march was through the skirt of a The First 
wood, which having passed, they proceeded about a league by the March, 
side of a bay, and afterwards about two leagues directly up a 
woody valley, where was an Indian house and plantation by the 
side of a river. Here they took up their lodging for the night, 
those who could not be received in the house, building huts. 
The Indians were earnest in cautioning them against sleeping 
in the grass, on account of adders. This first day's journey dis- 
couraged four of the JBuccaneers, and they returned to the ships. 
Stones were found in the river, which on being broken, shone 
with sparks of gold. These stones, they were told, were driven 

n 2 down 



92 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 9. down from the neighbouring mountains by torrents during the 
1680. rainy season *. 

April. The next morning, at sunrise, they proceeded in their 

Second journey, labouring up a steep hill, which they surmounted 

Journey, about three in the afternoon; and at the foot on the other 
side, they rested on the bank of a river, which Captain Andreas 
told them ran into the South Sea, and was the same by which 
the town of Santa Maria was situated. They marched after- 
wards about six miles farther, over another steep hill, where the 
path was so narrow that seldom more than one man could pass 
at a time. At night, they took up their lodging by the side of 
the river, having marched this day, according to their compu- 
tation, eighteen miles. 
7th. The next day, April the 7th, the march was continued by the 

Journey. r i yer > the course of which was so serpentine, that they had to 
cross it almost at every half mile, sometimes up to their 
knees, sometimes to their middle, and running with a very 
swift current. About noon they arrived at some large Indian 
houses, neatly built, the sides of wood of the cabbage-tree, and 
the roofs of cane thatched over with palmito leaves. The 
interior had divisions into rooms, but no upper story ; and 
before each house was a large plantain walk. Continuing their 
journey, at five in the afternoon, they came to a house belonging 
to a son of Captain Andreas, who wore a wreath of gold 
about his head, for which he was honoured by the Buccaneers 
with the title of King Golden Cap. They found their enter- 
tainment at King Golden Cap's house so good, that they 
Sth. rested there the whole of the following day. Bartholomew 
Sharp, who published a Journal of his expedition, says here, 
4 The inhabitants of Darien are for the most part very hand- 
' some, especially the female sex, who are also exceeding 

' loving 

* Narrative by Busil Ringrose, p. 5. 



ON THE ISTHMUS. 



93 



9th. 
Fourth 

Day's 



* loving and free to the embraces of strangers.' This was chap. 9. 
calumny. Basil Ringrose, another Buccaneer, whose Journal jg 8a . 
has been published, and who is more entitled to credit than April. 
Sharp, as will be seen, says of the Darien women, ' they Journey 
c are generally well featured, very free, airy, and brisk ; yet isthmus. 
1 withal very modest/ Lionel Wafer also, who lived many 
months among the Indians of the Isthmus, speaks highly of 
the modesty, kindness of disposition, and innocency, of the 
Darien women. 

On the 9tb, after breakfast, they pursued their journey, 
accompanied by the Darien Chiefs, and about 200 Indians, 
who were armed with bows and lances. They descended Journey. 
along the river, which they had to wade through between 
fifty and sixty times, and they came to a house ' only here 
and there/ At most of these houses, the owner, who had been 
apprised of the march of the Buccaneers, stood at the door, 
and as they passed, gave to each man a ripe plantain, or some 
sweet cassava root. If the Buccaneer desired more, he was 
expected to purchase. Some of the Indians, to count the 
number of the Buccaneers, for every man that went by 
dropped a grain of corn. That night they lodged at three large 
houses, where ihey found entertainment provided, and also 
canoes for them to descend the river, which began here to 
be navigable. 

The next morning, as they were preparing to depart, two 10th. 
of the Buccaneer Commanders, John Coxon and Peter Harris, F i fth Days 

' Journey. 

had some disagreement, and Coxon fired his musket at 
Harris, who was about to fire in return, but other Buccaneers 
interposed, and effected a reconciliation. Seventy of the 
Buccaneers embarked in fourteen canoes, in each of which two 
Indians also went, who best knew how to manage and o-uide 
them clown the stream : the rest prosecuted their march by 

land. 



94 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 9. land. The men in the canoes found that mode of travelling 

1680. quite as wearisome as marching, for at almost every furlong 

April. they were constrained to quit their boats to lanch them over 

rocks, or over trees that had fallen athwart the river, and 

sometimes over necks of land. At night, they stopped and 

' made themselves huts on a green bank by the river's side. 

Here they shot wild-fowl. 

nth. The next day, the canoes continued to descend the river, 

Journey^ 8 na ™g tne same kind of impediments to overcome as on the 

preceding day ; and at night, they lodged again on the green 

bank of the river. The land party had not kept up with them, 

Bartholomew Sharp says, ' Our supper entertainment was a 

6 very good sort of a wild beast called a Warre, which is much 

* like to our English hog, and altogether as good. There are 
6 store of them in this part of the world : I observed that 

* the navels of these animals grew upon their backs.' Wafer 
calls this species of the wild hog, Pecary *. In the night a small 
tiger came, and after looking at them some time, went away. 
The Buccaneers did not fire at him, lest the noise of their 
muskets should give alarm to the Spaniards at S ta Maria. 

12th. The next day, the water party again embarked, but under 

Seventh some anx iety at being so long without having any communi- 

Journey. cation with the party marching by land. Captain Andreas 

perceiving their uneasiness, sent a canoe back up the river, 

which returned before sunset with some of the land party, 

and intelligence that the rest were near at hand. 

13th. Tuesday the 13th, early in the day, the Buccaneers arrived 

at a beachy point of land, where another stream from the 

uplands joined the river. This place had sometimes been the 

rendezvous of the Darien Indians, when they collected for 

attack 



* De Ruchfort describes this animal under the name Javaris. Hist. Nat. de$ 
Isles Antilles, p. 138, edit. 1665. It is also described by Pennant, in his Synopsis 
of Quadrupeds, Art. Mexican Wild Hog. 



ON THE ISTHMUS. 



95 



attack or defence against the Spaniards ; and here the whole 
party now made a halt, to rest themselves, and to clean and 
prepare their arms. They also made paddles and oars to row 
with ; for thus far down the river, the canoes had been carried 
by the stream, and guided with poles : but here the river was 
broad and deep. 

On the 14th, the whole party, Buccaneers and Indians, 
making nearly 600 men, embarked in 68 canoes, which the 
Indians had provided. At midnight, they put to land, within 
half a mile of the town of S" Maria. In the morning at the 
break of day, they heard muskets fired by the guard in the 
town, and a * drum beating d travailler */ The Buccaneers put 
themselves in motion, and by seven in the morning came to 
the open ground before the Fort, when the Spaniards began 
firing upon them. The Fort was formed simply with palisadoes, 
without brickwork, so that after pulling down two or three of the 
palisadoes, the Buccaneers entered without farther opposition, 
and without the loss of a man ; nevertheless, they acted with 
so little moderation or mercy, that twenty-six Spaniards were 
killed, and sixteen wounded. After the surrender, the Indians 
took many of the Spaniards into the adjoining woods, where 
they killed them with lances; and if they had not been dis- 
covered in their amusement, and prevented, not a Spaniard 
would have been left alive. It is said in a Buccaneer account, 
that they found here the eldest daughter of the King of Darien, 
Captain Andreas, who had been forced from her father's house 
by one of the garrison, and was with child by him ; which 
greatly incensed the father against the Spaniards. 

The 

* Kingrose. Buccaneers of America, Part IV. p. 10. The early morning drum 
has, in our time, been called the Reveiller. Either that or a travailler seems 
applicable; for according to Boyer, travailler signifies to trouble, or disturb, as 
well as to work ; and it is probable, from the age of the authority above cited, 
that the original term was a travailler. 



chap, g 

1680. 
April. 

On the 

Isthmus. 



14th. 



35th. 



Fort of 

S m Maria 

taken. 



96 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CH AP. 



Jh, The Buccaneers were much disappointed in their expecta- 



1680. tions of plunder, for the Spaniards had by some means 

April, received notice of their intended visit in time to send away 

almost all that was of value. A Buccaneer says, ' though we 

examined our prisoners severely, the whole that we could 

pillage, either in the town or fort, amounted only to twenty 

pounds weight of gold, and a small quantity of silver; whereas 

three days sooner, we should have found three hundred pounds 

weight in gold in the Fort/ 

JohnCoxon The majority of the Buccaneers were desirous to proceed in 

Commander, their canoes to the South Sea, to seek compensation for their 

disappointment at S ta Maria. John Coxon and his followers 

were for returning ; on which account, and not from an opinion 

of his capability, those who were for the South Sea, offered 

Coxon the post of General, provided he and his men would 

join in their scheme, which offer was accepted. 

It was then determined to descend with the stream of the 
river to the Gulf de San Miguel, which is on the East side of the 
Bay of Panama. The greater part of the Darien Indians, how- 
ever, separated from them at S ta Maria, and returned to their 
homes. The Darien Chief Andreas, and his son Golden Cap, 
with some followers, continued with the Buccaneers. 

Among the people of Darien were remarked some white, 
* fairer than any people in Europe, who had hair like unto the 
■ finest flax ; and it was reported of them that they could see 
6 farther in the dark than in the light */ 

The River of S ta Maria is the largest of several rivers which 
fall into the Gulf de San Miguel. Abreast where the town 
stood, it was reckoned to be twice as broad as the River Thames 
is at London. The rise and fall of the tide there was two 
fathoms and a half -j- . 

April 

* Narrative by Basil Ritigrose, p. 3. + Hingrose, p. 11. 



ON THE ISTHMUS. 97 

April the 17th, the Buccaneers and their remaining allies c h a p. 9. 
embarked from S ta Maria, in canoes and a small bark which 3.680. 
was found at anchor before the town. About thirty Spaniards April 17th. 
who had been made prisoners, earnestly entreated that they 
should not be left behind to fall into the hands of the Indians. 

* We had much ado/ say the Buccaneers, * to find boats enough 

* for ourselves : the Spaniards, however, found or made bark 
4 logs, and it being for their lives, made shift to come along 

4 with us/ At ten that night it was low water, and they igtb, 
stopped on account of the flood tide. The next morning they They arrive 

i , 1 • , ■ 1 at the 

pursued their course to the sea. South Sea. 



O 



98 BUCCANEER EXPEDITION 



CHAP 



CHAP. X. 

First Buccaneer Expedition in the South Sea. 
• iQ; /^\N the 19th of April, the Buccaneers, under the command 



1680. of John Coxon, entered the Bay of Panama; and the 

April 19th. same day, at one of the Islands in the Bay, they captured a, 
In the Bay Spanish vessel of 30 tons, on board of which 130 of the Buc- 
' caneers immediately placed themselves, glad to be relieved 
from the cramped and crowded state they had endured in the 
canoes. The next day another small bark was taken. The 
pursuit of these vessels, and seeking among the Islands for pro- 
visions, had separated the Buccaneers ; but they had agreed to 
rendezvous at the Island Chepillo, near the entrance of the 
River Cheapo. Sharp, however, and some others, wanting fresh 
2 2d. water, went to the Pearl Islands. The rest got to Chepillo on 
r?f lan i? tne 22( ^' wnere tne y f° un( l good provision of plantains, fresh 
water, and hogs ; and at four o'clock that same afternoon, they 
rowed from the Island towards Panama, 

By this time, intelligence of their being in the Bay had 

reached the city. Eight vessels were lying in the road, three of 

which the Spaniards hastily equipped, manning them with the 

crews of all the vessels, and the addition of men from the 

shore ; the whole, according to the Buccaneer accounts, not 

exceeding 230 men, and not more than one-third of them 

being Europeans ; the rest were mulattoes and negroes. 

23d. On the 23d, before sunrise, the Buccaneers came in sight of 

Battle with t ne c ity ; and as soon as they were descried, the three armed 

Spanish Spanish ships got under sail, and stood towards them. The 

Armament. con fJi c t was severe, and lasted the greater part of the day, when 

it 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 99 

it terminated in the defeat of the Spaniards, two of their chap. 10. 
vessels being carried by boarding, .and the third obliged to 1680. 
save herself by flight. The Spanish Commander fell, with many April, 
of his people. Of the Buccaneers, 18 were killed, and above Buccaneers 
30 wounded. Peter Harris, one of their Captains, was among victorious, 
the wounded, and died two days after. 

One Buccaneer account says, ' we were in all 68 men that 
' were engaged in the fight of that day/ Another Buccaneer 
relates, * we had sent away the Spanish bark to seek fresh 
4 water, and had put on board her above one hundred of our 
4 best men ; so that we had only canoes for this fight, and in 
' them not above 200 fighting men/ The Spanish ships fought 
with great bravery, but were overmatched, being manned with 
motley and untaught crews ; whereas the Buccaneers had been 
in constant training to the use of their arms ; and their being in 
canoes was no great disadvantage, as they had a smooth sea to 
fight in. The valour of Richard Sawkins, who, after being Richard 
three times repulsed, succeeded in boarding and capturing one aw 
of the Spanish ships, was principally instrumental in gaining 
the victory to the Buccaneers. It gained him also their con- 
fidence, and the more fully as some among them were thought 
to have shewn backwardness, of which number John Coxon, 
their elected Commander, appears to have been. The Darien 
Chiefs were in the heat of the battle. 

Immediately after the victory, the Buccaneers stood towards The New 
Panama, then a new city, and on a different site from the old, p an 7 m °a 
being four miles Westward of the ruins of the city burnt by four miles 
Morgan. The old city had yet some inhabitants. The present ot the 
adventurers did not judge their strength sufficient for landing, 0Jd Clt y- 
and they contented themselves with capturing; the vessels that „ The 

J r » Buccaneers 

were at anchor near the small Islands of Perico, in the road take several 
before the city. One of these vessels was a ship named the 

O 2 Trinidad, 



100 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



chap. 10 . Trinidad, of 400 tons burthen, in good condition, a fast sailer, 
1680. and had on board a cargo principally consisting of wine, sugar, 
April. and sweetmeats; and moreover a considerable sum of money. 

In tlie Bay The Spanish crew, before they left her, had both scuttled and 

ot 1 anaina. 

set her on fire, but the Buccaneers took possession in time to 
extinguish the flames, and to stop the leaks. In the other 
prizes they found flour and ammunition ; and two of them, 
besides the Trinidad, they fitted up for cruising. Two prize 
vessels, and a quantity of goods which were of no use to them, 
as iron, skins, and soap, which the Spaniards at Panama refused 
to ransom, they destroyed. Besides these, they captured among 
the Islands some small vessels laden with poultry. Thus in less 
than a week after their arrival across the Isthmus to the coast 
of the South Sea, they were provided with a small fleet, not ill 
equipped; and with which they now formed an actual and 
close blockade by sea, of Panama, stationing themselves at 
anchor in front of the city. 

This new city was already considerably larger than old 
Panama had ever been, its extent being in length full a mile 
and a half, and in breadth above a mile. The churches (eight 
in number) were not yet finished. The cathedral church at the 
Old Town was still in use, ' the beautiful building whereof/ 
says Ringrose, 4 maketh a fair show at a distance, like unto the 
4 church of St. Paul's at London. Round the city for the space 
4 of seven leagues, more or less, all the adjacent country is 
4 what they call in the Spanish language, Savana, that is to say, 
* plain and level ground, as smooth as a sheet ; only here and 
4 there is to be seen a small spot of woody land. And every 
4 where, this level ground is full of vacadas, where whole droves 
4 of cows and oxen are kept. But the ground whereon the 
4 city standeth, is damp and moist, and of bad repute for 
4 health. The sea is also very full of worms, much prejudicial 

4 to 



Panama, 

the new 

City. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 101 

c to shipping, for which reason the king's ships are always kept c h a p. 10. 
s near Lima. We found here in one night after our arrival, l68o; 
4 worms of three quarters of an inch in length, both in our April. 

. n ° In the Bay 

4 bed-cloaths and other apparel.' of Panama. 

Within two or three days after the battle with the Spanish Coxon and 
Armadilla, discord broke out among the Buccaneers. The yg^JJg 
reflections made upon the behaviour of Coxon and some of his West indies. 
followers, determined him and seventy men to return by the 
River of S ta Maria over the Isthmus to the North Sea. Two of 
the small prize vessels were given them for this purpose, and 
at the same time, the Darien Chiefs, Captain Andreas and 
Captain Antonio, with most of their people, departed to 
return to their homes. Andreas shewed his goodwill towards the 
Buccaneers who remained in the South Sea, by leaving with 
them a son and one of his nephews. 

On the departure of Coxon, Richard Sawkins was chosen Richard 
General or Chief Commander. They continued ten clays in s f vkms 

^ _ -v chosen 

the road before Panama, at the end of which they retired Commander. 
to an Island named Taboga, more distant, but whence they 
could see vessels going to, or coming from, Panama. At ^ a „ 
Taboga they stopped nearly a fortnight, having had notice 
that a rich ship from Lima was shortly expected ; but she 
came not within that time. Some other vessels however fell 
into their hands, by which they obtained in specie between 
fifty and sixty thousand dollars, 1200 packs of flour, 2000 
jars of wine, a quantity of brandy, sugar, sweetmeats, poultry, 
and other provisions, some gunpowder and shot, besides 
various other articles of merchandise. Among their prisoners, 
were a number of negro slaves, which was a temptation to 
the merchants of Panama, to go to the ships whilst they lay 
at Taboga, who purchased part of the prize goods, and as many 
of the negroes as the Buccaneers would part with, giving 
for a negro two hundred pieces of eight ; and they also sold 

to 



102 BUCCANEERS OF AMERIGA 

chap. 10 . to the Buccaneers such stores and commodities as they were 
1680. in need of. Ringrose relates, that in the course of this corn- 
May, munication, a message was delivered to their Chief from the 
of Panama. Governor of Panama, demanding, " why, during a time of peace 
" betwen England and Spain, Englishmen should come into 
" those seas, to commit injury ? and from whom they had 
44 their commission so to do?" To which message, Sawkins 
returned answer, ' that he and his companions came to assist 
4 their friend the King of Darien, who was the rightful Lord of 
4 Panama, and all the country thereabouts. That as they had 
4 come so far, it was reasonable they should receive some 
4 satisfaction for their trouble ; and if the Governor would send 
4 to them 590 pieces of eight for each man, and 1000 for each 
4 commander, and would promise not any farther to annoy the 
4 Darien Indians, their allies, that then the Buccaneers would 
4 desist from hostilities, and go quietly about their business/ 

By the Spaniards who traded with them, Sawkins learnt that 
the Bishop of Panama was a person whom he had formerly taken 
prisoner in the West Indies, and sent him a small present as a 
token of regard; the Bishop sent a gold ring in return. 

Sawkins would have waited longer for the rich ship expected 
from Peru ; but all the live stock within reach had been con- 
sumed, and his men became impatient for fresh provisions. 
Island « This Taboga,' says Sharp, 4 is an exceeding pleasant island, 

Taboga. ,,..,.. -. . , -. 

4 abounding in fruits, such as pine-apples, oranges, lemons, 

4 pears, mammees, cocoa-nuts, and others; with a small, but 

4 brave commodious fresh river running in it. The anchorage 

4 is also clear and good.' 

15*- On the 15th of May, they sailed to the Island Otoque, at 

Otoque. which place they found hogs and poultry ; and, the same day, 

or the day following, they departed with three ships and 

two small barks, from the Bay of Panama, steering Westward 

for a Spanish town named Pueblo Nuevo. 

In 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 



103 



In this short distance they had much blowing weather and 
contrary winds, by which both the small barks, one with fifteen 
men, the other with seven men, were separated from the ships, 
and did not join them again. The crew of one of these barks 
returned over the Isthmus with Coxon's party. The other bark 
was taken by the Spaniards. 

About the 21st, the ships anchored near the Island Quibo; 
from the North part of which, to the town of Pueblo Nuevo on 
the main land, was reckoned eight leagues. Sawkins, with 
sixty men, embarked on board the smallest ship, and sailed to 
the entrance of a river which leads to the town. He there left 
the ship with a few men to follow him, and proceeded with the 
rest in canoes up the river by night, having a negro prisoner for 
pilot. Those left with the care of the ship, ' entered the river, 

* keeping close by the East shore, on which there is a round 

* hill. Within two stones cast of the shore there was four 

* fathoms depth ; and within the point a very fine and large 
' river opens. But being strangers to the place, the ship was 

* run aground nigh a rock which lieth by the Westward shore ; 
4 for the true channel of this river is nearer to the East than to 
4 the West shore. The Island Quibo is SSE from the mouth of 

* this river*/ 

The canoes met with much obstruction from trees which the 
Spaniards had felled across the river ; but they arrived before 
the town during the night. The Spaniards had erected some 
works, on which account the Buccaneers waited in their canoes 
till daylight, and then landed ; when Richard Sawkins, ad- 
vancing with the foremost of his men towards a breastwork, 
was killed, as were two of his followers. Sharp was the next 
in command, but he was disheartened by so unfortunate a 

beginning, 



CHAP. lO. 

1680. 
May. 



At Quibo. 



Attack of 
Pueblo 

Nuevo. 



Captain 
Sawkins 
is killed, 
and the 
Buccaneers 
retreat. 



# Ringrose, Chap. ix. 



104 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap-io. beginning, and ordered a retreat. Three Buccaneers were 
16S0. wounded in the re-embarkation. 

In the narrative which Sharp himself published, he says, 

* we landed at a stockado built by the Spaniards, where we had 

* a small rencounter with the enemy, who killed us three men, 
6 whereof the brave Captain Sawkins was one, and wounded 
' four or five more ; besides which we got nothing, so that we 

* found it our best way to retreat down the river again.' 

The death of Sawkins was a great misfortune to the Bucca- 
neers, and was felt by them as such. One Buccaneer relates, 
' Captain Sawkins landing at Pueblo Nuevo before the rest, as 

* being a man of undaunted courage, and running up with a 
' small party to a breastwork, was unfortunately killed. And 
1 this disaster occasioned a mutiny amongst our men ; for our 
' Commanders were not thought to be leaders fit for such 
' hard enterprises. Now Captain Sharp was left in chief, and 
' he was censured by many, and the contest grew to that 
' degree that they divided into parties, and about 70 of our 
1 men fell off from us.' 

Imposition Ringrose was not in England when his Narrative was pub- 
Sharp, lished ; and advantage was taken of his absence, to interpolate 
in it some impudent passages in commendation of Sharp's 
valour. In the printed Narrative attributed to Ringrose, he 
is made to say, ' Captain Sawkins in running up to the breast- 
' work at the head of a few men was killed ; a man as valiant 
' and courageous as any could be, and, next unto Captain 
c Sharp, the best beloved of all our company, or the most part 
e thereof.' 

Ringrose's manuscript Journal has been preserved in the 
Sloane Collection, at the British Museum (No. 3820* of 

Ayscough's 

* No. 48 in the same collection is a manuscript copy of Ringrose's Journal, 
but varied in the same manner from the Original as the printed Narrative. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 105 

Ayscough's Catalogue) wherein, with natural expression of chap. 10 . 
affection and regard, he says, \ Captain Sawkins was a valiant !68o. 
' and generous spirited man, and beloved above any other we 
4 ever had among us, which he well deserved.' 

In their retreat down the river of Pueblo Nuevo, the Bucca- May. 
neers took a ship laden with indigo, butter, and pitch ; and 
burnt two other vessels. When returned to Quibo, they could 
not agree in the choice of a commander. Bartholomew Sharp Sharp 
had a greater number of voices than any other pretender, which commander. 
he obtained by boasting that he would take them a cruise 
whereby he did not at all doubt they would return home with 
not less than a thousand pounds to each man. Sharp was 
elected by but a small majority. Between 60 and 7 men Some 
who had remained after Coxon quitted the command, from se P ar & te > 

* ' and return 

attachment to Captain Sawkins, would not stay to be com- to the 

"West Iridic 1 *! 

manded by Sharp, and departed from Quibo in one of the prize 
vessels to return over the Isthmus to the West Indies ; where 
they safely arrived. All the Darien Indians also returned to the 
Isthmus. One hundred and forty-six Buccaneers remained 
with Bartholomew Sharp. 

' On the SE side of the Island Quibo is a shoal, or spit of The 
' sand, which stretches out a quarter of a league into the sea*.' a t Quibo? 
Just within this shoal, in 14 fathoms depth, the Buccaneer 
ships lay at anchor. The Island abounded in fresh rivers, this 
being the rainy season. They caught red deer, turtle, and 
oysters. Ringrose says, ' here were oysters so large that we 
• were forced to cut them into four pieces, each quarter being 
1 a good mouthful/ Here were also oysters of a smaller kind, 
from which the Spaniards collected pearls. They killed alligators 
at Quibo, some above 20 feet in length; ' they were very fearful, 

' and 

* Ringrose, p. 44. 



106 BUCCANEERS OE AMERICA 

chap. 10. < an d tried to escape from those who hunted them/ Ringrose 

1680. relates, that he stood under a manchineal tree to shelter himself 

May. from the Tain, but some drops fell on his skin from the tree, 

which caused him to break out all over in red spots, and he 

was not well for a week afterwards. ' 

June. June the 6th, Sharp and his followers, in two ships, sailed 

from Quibo Southward for the coast of Peru, intending to stop 

by the way at the Galapagos Islands ; but the winds prevented 

them. On the 17th, they anchored on the South side of the 

Island Island Gorgona, near the mouth of a river. ' Gorgon a is a high 

' mountainous Island, about four leagues in circuit, and is 

6 distant about four leagues from the Continent. The anchorage 

4 is within a pistol-shot of the shore, in depth from 15 to 20 

* fathoms. At the SW of Gorgona is a smaller Island, and 

4 without the same stands a small rock */ There were at 

this time streams of fresh water on every side of the Island. 

Gorgona being uninhabited, was thought to be a good place 
of concealment. The Island supplied rabbits, monkeys, turtle, 
oysters, and birds ; which provision was inducement to the Buc- 
caneers, notwithstanding the rains, to remain there, indulging 
in idleness, till near the end of July, when the weather began to 
be dry. They killed a snake at Gorgona, eleven feet long, and 
fourteen inches in circumference. 
July. July the 25th, they put to sea. Sharp had expressed an 

intention to attack Guayaquil ; but he was now of opinion 
that their long stay at Gorgona must have occasioned their 
being discovered by the Spaniards, ' notwithstanding that he 
4 himself had persuaded them to stay;' their plan was there- 
fore changed for the attack of places more Southward, where 
they would be less expected. The winds were from the 

Southward, 

* Ringrose and Sharp. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 107 

Southward, and it was not till August the 13th, that they chap. 10. 
got as far as the Island Plata. l68o 

The only landing at Plata at this time, was on the NE side, August. 
near a deep valley, where the ships anchored in 12 fathoms. Island 
Goats were on this Island in such numbers, that they killed 
above a hundred in a day with little labour, and salted what 
they did not want for present use. Turtle and fish were in 
plenty. They found only one small spring of fresh water, 
which was near the landing place, and did not yield them more 
than 20 gallons in the 24 hours. There were no trees on any 
part of the Island. 

From Plata they proceeded Southward. The 25th, near On the 
Cape St. Elena, they met a Spanish ship from Guayaquil bound Pe ru ° 
to Panama, which they took after a short action in which one 
Buccaneer w T as killed, and two others were wounded. In this 
prize they found 3000 dollars. They learnt from their pri- 
soners, that one of the small buccaneer tenders, which had been 
separated from Sawkins in sailing from the Bay of Panama, had 
been taken by the Spaniards, after losing six men out of seven 
which composed her crew. Their adventure was as follows. Adventure 
Not being able to join their Commander Sawkins at Quibo, they °Crewof« 
sailed to the Island Gallo near the Continent (in about 2° N.) Buccaneers 
where they found a party of Spaniards, from whom they took 
three white women. A few days afterwards, they put in at 
another small Island, four leagues distant from Gallo, where 
they proposed to remain on the lookout, in hopes of seeing 
some of their friends come that way, as Sawkins had declared 
it his intention to go to the coast of Peru. Whilst they were 
waiting in this expectation, a Spaniard whom they had kept 
prisoner, made his escape from them, and got over to the main 
land. This small buccaneer crew had the imprudence never- 
theless to remain in the same quarters long enough to give time 
for a party of Spaniards to pass over from the main land, which 

p 2 they 



108 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 



2^ they did without being perceived, and placed themselves in 



1680. 

August. 

On the 

Coast of 

Peru. 



ambuscade with so much advantage, that at one volley they 
killed six Buccaneers out of the seven: the one remaining 
became their prisoner. 

Sharp and his men divided the small sum of money taken in 
their last prize, and sunk her. Ringrose relates, e we also 

* punished a Friar and shot him upon the deck, casting him 
' overboard while he was yet alive. I abhorred such cruelties, 

* yet was forced to hold my tongue/ It is not said in what 
manner the Friar had offended, and Sharp does not mention 
the circumstance in his Journal. 

One of the two vessels in which the Buccaneers cruised, 
sailed badly, on which account she was abandoned, and they 
all embarked in the ship named the Trinidad. 
September. On the 4th of September they took a vessel from Guayaquil 
bound for Lima, with a lading of timber, chocolate, raw silk, 
Indian cloth, and thread stockings. It appears here to have 
been a custom among the Buccaneers, for the first who boarded 
an enemy, or captured vessel, to be allowed some extra 
privilege of plunder. Ringrose says, i we cast dice for the 
' first entrance, and the lot fell to the larboard watch, so 
4 twenty men belonging to that watch, entered her/ They 
took out of this vessel as much of the cargo as they chose, 
and put some of their prisoners in her; after which they dis- 
missed her with only one mast standing and one sail, that she 
should not be able to prosecute her voyage Southward. Sharp 
passed Callao at a distance from land, being apprehensive 
there might be ships of war in the road. October the 26th, he 
was near the town of Arica, when the boats manned with a 
large party of Buccaneers departed from the ship with intention 
to attack the town ; but, on coming near the shore, they found 
the surf high, and the whole country appeared to be in arms. 

They 



October. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 



109 



They returned to the ship, and it was agreed to bear away 
for Ilo, a small town on the coast, in latitude about 17° 40' S. 
Their stock of fresh water was by this time so reduced, that 
they had come to an allowance of only half a pint for a 
man for the day ; and it is related that a pint of water was 
sold in the ship for 30 dollars. They succeeded however in 
landing at Ilo, and obtained there fresh water, wine, fruits, 
flour, oil, chocolate, sugar, and other provisions. The Spaniards 
would give neither money nor cattle to have their buildings and 
plantations spared, and the Buccaneers committed all the mis- 
chief they could. 

From Ilo they proceeded Southward. December the 1st, in 
the night, being in latitude about 31°, they found themselves in 
white water, like banks or breakers, which extended a mile or 
more in length ; but they were relieved from their alarm by 
discovering that what they had apprehended to be rocks and 
breakers was a large shoal of anchovies. 

December the 3d, they landed at the town of La Serena, 
which they entered without opposition. Some Spaniards came to 
negociate with them to ransom the town from being burnt, for 
which they agreed to pay 95,000 pieces of eight ; but the money 
came not at the time appointed, and the Buccaneers had reason 
to suspect the Spaniards intended to deceive them. Ringrose 
relates, that a man ventured to come in the night from the 
shore, on a float made of a horse's hide blown up like a bladder. 
■ He being arrived at the ship, went under the stern and 
' crammed oakum and brimstone and other combustible matter 
* between the rudder and the stern-post. Having done this, he 
i fired it with a match, so that in a small time our rudder was 
6 on fire, and all the ship in a smoke. Our men, both alarmed 
' and amazed with this smoke, ran up and down the ship, 
6 suspecting the prisoners to have fired the vessel, thereby to get 

' their 



CHAP. lO. 

1680. 
October. 

On the 

Coast of 
Peru. 

28th, 
Ilo. 



December. 



Shoals of 
Anchovies. 



La Serena 
plundered 
and burnt. 



Attempt 

of the 

Spaniards 

to burn the 

Ship. 



110 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



December 

On the 

Coast of 

Peru. 



CIIAP - 10 : ' their liberty and seek our destruction. At last they found out 
1680. where the fire was, and had the good fortune to quench it 

6 before its going too far. After which we sent the boat ashore, 
4 and found both the hide afore-mentioned, and the match 
1 burning at both ends, whereby we became acquainted with 
' the whole matter/ 

By the La Serena expedition they obtained five hundred 
pounds weight of silver. One of the crew died in consequence 
of hard drinking whilst on shore. They released all their 
prisoners here, except a pilot ; after which, they stood from the 
Continent for Juan Fernandez. In their approach to that 
Island, it is remarked by Ringrose, that they saw neither bird, 
nor fish ; and this being noticed to the pilot, he made answer, 
that he had many times sailed by Juan Fernandez, and had never 
seen either fish or fowl whilst at sea in sight of the Island. 
On Christmas day, they anchored in a Bay at the South part 
Fernandez. °f Juan Fernandez ; but finding the winds SE and Southerly, 
they quitted that anchorage, and went to a Bay on the North 
side of the Island, where they cast anchor in 14 fathoms, so 
near to the shore that they fastened the end of another cable 
from the ship to the trees ; being sheltered by the land from 
ESE round by the South and West, and as far as NbW *■ 
Their fastenings, however, did not hold the ship against the 
strong flurries that blew from the land, and she was twice forced 
to sea ; but each time recovered the anchorage without much 
difficulty. 

The shore of this bay was covered with seals and sea lions, 
whose noise and company were very troublesome to the men 
employed in filling fresh water. The seals coveted to lie where 
streams of fresh water ran into the sea, which made it necessary 
to keep people constantly employed to beat them off. Fish 

were 



Island 
Juan 



1681. 
January. 



* Sharp's Journal, p. 72, 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. ill 

were in the greatest plenty; and innumerable sea birds had chap. 10 . 
their nests near the shore, which makes the remark of Ringrose ^Si. 

on approaching the Island the more extraordinary. Craw-fish January. 

and lobsters were in abundance ; and on the Island itself goats At Juan 

ii-i i • -Fernandez. 

were in such plenty, that, besides what they eat during their 
stay, they killed about a hundred for salting, and took away 
as many alive. 

Here new disagreements broke out among the Buccaneers. Sharp 

QGDOSGQ. 

Some wished to sail immediately homeward by the Strait of f 10 m t ] le 
Magalhanes ; others desired to try their fortune longer in the Comi nand. 
South Sea. Sharp was of the party for returning home; but in 
the end the majority deposed him from the command, and 
elected for his successor John Watling, 4 an old privateer, and Watling 

... elected 

4 esteemed a stout seaman/ Articles were drawn up in writing Commander. 
between Watling and the crew, and subscribed. 

One Narrative says, ' the true occasion of the grudge against 

* Sharp was, that he had got by these adventures almost a 
4 thousand pounds, whereas many of our men were scarce 
4 worth a groat ; and good reason there was for their poverty, 
' for at the Isle of Plate and other places, they had lost all 
4 their money to their fellow Buccaneers at dice ; so that 

* some had a great deal, and others, just nothing. Those who 

* were thrifty sided with Captain Sharp, but the others, being 
4 the greatest number, turned Sharp out of his command ; and 
4 Sharp's party were persuaded to have patience, seeing they 
4 were the fewest, and had money to lose, which the other party 
6 had not.' Dampier says Sharp was displaced by general 
consent, the company not being satisfied either with his courage 
or his conduct. 

Watling began his command by ordering the observance of 
the Sabbath. 4 This day, January the 9th/ says Ringrose, ' was 

* the first Sunday that ever we kept by command since the loss 

4 and 



112 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 10 . « and death of our valiant Commander Captain Sawkins, who 
1681. ' once threw the dice overboard, finding them in use on the 

January. * said day/ 
nth. The llth, two boats were sent from the ship to a distant 

12th. part of the Island to catch goats. On the following morning, 

They sail the boats were seen returning in great haste, and firing muskets 

from Juan . • 1 , , 1 ~ 

Fernandez. to g lve alarm. When arrived on board, they gave information 

that three sail, which they believed to be Spanish ships of war, 

were in sight of the Island, and were making for the anchorage. 

In half an hour after this notice, the strange ships were seen 

from the Bay; upon which, all the men employed on shore in 

watering, hunting, and other occupations, were called on board 

with the utmost speed; and not to lose time, the cable was 

slipped, and the ship put to sea. It happened in this hurry of 

quitting the Island, that one of the Mosquito Indians who had 

Wilham, come w ith the Buccaneers, and was by them called William, was 

a Mosquito _ . 

Indian, absent in the woods hunting goats, and heard nothing of the 
island e a ^ arm - No time could be spared for search, and the ship sailed 
without him. This it seems was not the first instance of a solitary 
individual being left to inhabit Juan Fernandez. Their Spanish 
pilot affirmed to them, that ' many years before, a ship had 
' been cast away there, and onty one man saved, who lived 
' alone upon the Island five years, when another ship coming 
4 that way, took him off.' 

The three vessels whose appearance caused them in such haste 
to quit their anchorage, were armed Spanish ships. They re- 
mained in sight of the Buccaneer ship two days, but no incli- 
nation appeared on either side to try the event of .a battle. 
The Buccaneers had not a single great gun in their ship, and 
must have trusted to their musketry and to boarding. 
13th. On the evening of the 13th after dark, they resigned the 

honour of the field to the Spaniards, and made sail Eastward 

for 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 113 

for the American coast, with design to attack Arica, which cha p. 10. 
place they had been informed contained great riches. x&iu 

The 26th, they were close to the small Island named Yqueque, January 
about 25 leagues to the South of Arica, where they plundered , , \ 
a small Indian village of provisions, and took two old Spaniards Yqueque. 
and two Indians prisoners. This Island was destitute of fresh 
water, and the inhabitants were obliged to supply themselves 
from the Continent, at a river named De Camarones, 1 1 Spanish River de 
leagues to the North of Yqueque. The people on Yqueque were 
the servants and slaves of the Governor of Arica, and were 
employed by him to catch and dry fish, which were disposed of 
to great profit among the inland towns of the Continent. The 
Indians here eat much and often of certain leaves ' which were 
in taste much like to the bay leaves in England, by the con- 
tinual use of which their teeth were dyed of a green colour/ 

The 27th, Watling examined one of the old Spaniards con- 27th. 
cerning the force at Arica ; and being offended at his answers, 
ordered him to be shot, which was done. The same morning 
they took a small bark from the River Camarones, laden with 
fresh water. 

In the night of the 28th, "Watling with one hundred men 
departed from t he ship in the small 'prize bark and boats for 
Arica. They put ashore on the mainland about five leagues to 
the South of Arica, before it was light, and remained concealed 
among rocks all day. At night, they again proceeded, and at 
daylight (on the 30th) Watling landed with 92 men, four miles 30th. 
from the town; to which they marched, and gained entrance, The y r attack 
with the loss of thfee men killed, and two wounded. There was 
a castle or fort, which for their own security they ought 
immediately to have attacked; but Watling was only intent on 
making prisoners, until he was incommoded with more than 
could be well guarded, This gave the inhabitants who had 

Q fled, 



114 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



GHAP. lO, 

1681. 

January. 

On the 

Coast of 

Peru. 

Are 
Repulsed. 



Watling 
killed. 



fled, time to recover from their alarm, and they collected in the 
Fort. To complete the mistake, Watling at length advanced to 
attack the fort, where he found resistance more than he expected. 
Watling put in practice the expedient of placing his prisoners 
in front of his own men ; but the defenders of the fort were not 
a whit deterred thereby from firing on the Buccaneers, who 
were twice repulsed. The Spaniards without, in the mean time, 
began to make head from all parts ; and in a little time the 
Buccaneers, from being the assailants, found themselves obliged 
to look to their defence. Watling their chief was killed, as 
were two quarter-masters, the boatswain, and some others of 
their best men ; and the rest thought it necessary to retreat to 
their boats, which, though harassed the whole way by a distant 
firing from the Spaniards, they effected in tolerable order, and 
embarked. 

In this attack, the Buccaneers lost in killed, and taken 
prisoners by the Spaniards, 28 men ; and of those who got back 
to the ship, eighteen were wounded. Among the men taken 
by the Spaniards were two surgeons, to whose care the wounded 
had been committed. ' We could have brought off our 
' doctors/ says Ringrose, ' but they got to drinking whilst we 
' were assaulting the fort, and when we called to them, they 
' would not come with us/ The Spaniards gave quarter to the 
surgeons, ' they being able to do them good service in that 
* country : but as to the wounded men taken prisoners, they 
'. were all knocked on the head/ 

The whole party that landed at Arlca narrowly escaped 
destruction ; for the Spaniards learnt from the prisoners they 
took, the signals which had been agreed upon with the men left 
in charge of the boats > of which information they made such 
use, that the boats had quitted their station, and set sail to run 
down to the town ; but some Buccaneers who had been most 

speedy 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 115 

speedy in the retreat, arrived at the sea side just in time to call chap. 10. 
them back. ^81. 

This miscarriage so much disheartened the whole Buccaneer January. 
crew, that they made no attempt to take three ships which were On the 
at anchor in the road before Arica. Sharp was reinstated in the p eru 
command, because he was esteemed a leader of safer conduct sharpagaia 
than any other; and every one was willing to quit the South „ chose " 

J ' J ° *■ Commander. 

Sea, but which it was now proposed they should do by 
re-crossing the Isthmus. They did not, however, immediately 
steer Northward ; but continued to beat up against the wind to 
the Southward, till the 10th of March, when they landed at March. 
Guasco or Huasco (in lat. about 28£°) from which place they Huasco. 
carried off 120 sheep, 80 goats, 200 bushels of corn, and 
filled their jars with fresh water. 

From H uasco they stood to the North. On the 27th, they 
passed Arica. The Narrative remarks, ' our former entertain- 
4 ment had been so very bad, that we were no ways encouraged 
' to stop there again/ They landed at Ylo, of which Wafer Yk>. 
says, ' the River Ylo is situated in a valley which is the finest 
' I have seen in all the coast of Peru, and furnished with a 
4 multitude of vegetables. A great dew falls here every night/ 

April the 16th, they were near the Island Plata. By this time April. 
new opinions and new projects had been formed. Many of the 
crew were again willing to try their fortune longer in the South 
Sea ; but one party would not continue under the command of 
Sharp, and others would not consent to choosing a new com- 
mander. As neither party would yield, it was determined to 
separate, and agreed upon by all hands, ' that which party soever 
' upon polling should be found to have the majority, should 
• keep the ship/ The other party was to have the long-boat and 
the canoes. On coming to a division, Sharp's party proved the 
most numerous. The minority consisted of forty-four Euro- 

q 2 peans, 



116 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 1 



°- peans, two Mosquito Indians, and a Spanish Indian. On the 



1681. forenoon of the 17th, the party in the boats separated from the 
. April. ship, and proceeded for the Gulf de San Miguel, where the\ T 
Another landed, and returned over the Isthmus back to the West Indies. In 

Party of the 

Buccaneers this party were William Dampier,and Lionel Wafer the surgeon. 

acrossthe Dampier afterwards published a brief sketch of the expedition, 
Isthmus, and an account of his return across the Isthmus, both of which 
are in the 1st volume of his Voyages. Wafer met with an acci- 
dental hurt whilst on the Isthmus, which disabled him from 
travelling with his countrymen, and he remained some months 
living with the Darien Indians, of whom he afterwards pub- 
lished an entertaining description, with a Narrative of his 
own adventures among them. 
Further Sharp and his diminished crew sailed in their ship from the 

Proceedings j s ] an j pi a t a Northward to the Gulf of Nicoya, where they met 
and his with no booty, nor with any adventure worth mentioning. 

They returned Southward to the Island Plata, and in the way 
took three prizes : the first, a ship named the San Pedro, from 
Guayaquil bound for Panama, with a lading of cocoa-nuts, and 
21,000 pieces of eight in chests, and 16,000 in bags, besides 
plate. The money in bags and all the loose plunder w T as 
divided, each man receiving for his share 234 pieces of eight; 
whence it may be inferred that their number was reduced to 
about 70 men. The rest of the money was reserved for a future 
division. Their second prize was a packet from Panama bound 
for Callao, by which they learnt that in Panama it was believed 
all the Buccaneers had returned overland to the West Indies. 
The third was a ship named the San Rosario, which did not 
submit to them without resistance, nor till her Captain was 
killed. She was from Callao, laden with wine, brandy, oil, and 
fruit, and had in her as much money as yielded to each Buc- 
caneer 94 dollars. One Narrative says a much greater booty 

was 



IN THE SOUTH SjEA. 117 

was missed through ignorance. * Besides the lading already chap. 10 . 

v ■ 

mentioned, we found in the San Rosario 700 pigs of plate, 1681. 
which we supposed to be tin, and under this mistake, they . July. 
were slighted by us all, especially by the Captain, who would On the 

• r> 1 V^OciSL or 

not by persuasions used by some few be induced to take p e ru. 
them into our ship, as we did most of the other things. Thus 
we left them in the Rosario, which we turned away loose into 
the sea. This, it should seem, was plate, not thoroughly 
refined and fitted for coin, which occasioned our being de- 
ceived. We took only one pig of the seven hundred into our 
ship, thinking to make bullets of it; and to this effect, or what 
else our seamen pleased, the greatest part of.it was melted and 
squandered away. Afterwards, when we arrived at Antigua, 
we gave the remaining part (which was about one-third 
thereof) to a Bristol man, who knew presently what it was ; 
who brought it to England, and sold it there for 75 /. sterling. 
Thus we parted with the richest booty we got in the whole 
voyage, through our own ignorance and laziness */ 
The same Narrative relates, that they took out of the Rosario 
a great book full of sea charts and maps, containing an accu- 
rate and exact description of all the ports, soundings, rivers, 
capes, and coasts, of the South Sea, and all the navigation 
usually performed by the Spaniards in that ocean. This book 
was for its novelty and curiosity presented unto His Majesty 
on the return of some of the Buccaneers to England, and 
was translated into English by His Majesty's order -f.'. 

August 

* Buccaneers of America, Part III, p. 80. 

■j- Nos. 239. and 44. in the Shane Collection of Manuscripts in the British 
Museum, are probably the charts and translation spoken of above. No. 239. is a 
book of Spanish charts of the sea-coast of New Spain, Peru, and Chili, each chart 
containing a small portion of coast, on which is drawn a rude likeness of the 
apppearance of the land, making it at. the same time both landscape and .chart. 
They are generally without compass, latitude, or divisions of any kind by lines, 

and 



lis BUCCANEERS OE AMERICA 



CHAP. lO. 



August the 12th, they anchored at the Island Plata, whence 
1681. they departed on the 16th, bound Southward, intending to 
August, return by the Strait of Magalhanes or Strait le Maire, to the 
West Indies. 

The 28th, they looked in at Vaita ; but finding the place 
prepared for defence, they stood off from the coast, and pursued 
their course Southward, without again coming in sight of land, 
and without the occurrence of any thing remarkable, till they 
passed the 50th degree of latitude. 
October. October the nth, they were in latitude 49° 54' S, and 
By the estimated their distance from the American coast to be 

Western 

Coast of 120 leagues. The wind blew strong from the SW, and they 

^ys" stood to the South East. On the morning of the 12th, two 

12th. hours before day, being in latitude by account 50° 50' S, they 

suddenly found themselves close to land. The ship was ill 

prepared for such an event, the fore yard having been lowered 

to ease her, on account of the strength of the wind. ' The land 

' was high and towering ; and here appeared many Islands 

* scattered up and down/ They were so near, and so entangled, 

that there was no possibility of standing off to sea, and, with 

such light as they had, they steered, as cautiously as they could, 

in between some Islands, and along an extensive coast, which, 

whether it was a larger Island, or part of the Continent, they 

could not know. As the day advanced, the land was seen to be 

mountainous and craggy, and the tops covered with snow. 

They enter Sharp says, ' we bore up for a harbour, and steered in North- 

aGulf. c war( j about five leagues. On the North side there are plenty 

' of harbours*.' At 1 1 in the forenoon they came to an anchor 

' in a harbour, in 45 fathoms, within a stone's cast of the shore, 

' where 

and with no appearance of correctness, but apparently with knowledge of the 
coast. — No. 44. is a copy of the same, or of similar Spanish charts of the same 
coast, and is dedicated to King Charles n. by Bartholomew Sharp. 
* Sharp's Manuscript Journal, Brit. Mus. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 



119 



^ where the ship was landlocked, and in smooth water. As the 

* ship went in, one of the crew, named Henry Shergall, fell 
' overboard as he was going into the spritsail top, and was 

* drowned ; on which account this was named ShergaU's 
' Harbour.' 

The bottom was rocky where the ship had anchored ; a boat 
was therefore sent to look for better anchorage. They did not 
however shift their birth that day ; and during the night, strong 
flurries of wind from the hills, joined with the sharpness of the 
rocks at the bottom, cut their cable in two, and they were 
obliged to set sail. They ran about a mile to another bay, 
where they let go another anchor, and moored the ship with a 
fastening to a tree on shore. 

They shot geese, and other wild-fowl. On the shores they 
found large muscles, cockles like those in England, and limpets : 
here were also penguins, which were shy and not taken without 
pursuit ; ' they padded on the water with their wings very fast, 

* but their bodies were too heavy to be carried by the 
' said wings/ 

The first part of the time they lay in this harbour, they had 
almost continual rain. On the night of the J 5th, in a high 
North wind, the tree to which their cable was fastened gave 
way, and came up by the root, in consequence of which, the 
stern of the ship took the ground and damaged the rudder* 
They secured the ship afresh by fastening the cable to other 
trees ; but were obliged to unhang the rudder to repair. 

The 18th was a day of clear weather. The latitude was 
observed 50° 40' S. The difference of the rise and fall of the 
tide was seven feet perpendicular: the time of high water is not 
noted. The arm of the sea, or gulf, in which they were, they 
named the English Gulf; and the land forming the harbour, 
the Duke of York's Island; i more by guess than any thing else; 

< for 



CHAP. lO. 

1 v ' 

1.68.1. 

October. 

ShergaU's 
Harbour. 



Another 
Harbour. 



J nth. 



18 th. 



The Gulf 

is named 

the English 

Gulf. 



120 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 10. < for whether it were an Island or Continent was not discovered/ 

iggj Ringrose says, ' I am persuaded that the place where we now 

October. ' are, is not so great an Island as some Hydrographers do lay 

4 it down, but rather an archipelago of smaller Islands. Our 
Duke of ' Captain gave to them the name of the Duke of York's Islands. 
Islands ' ^ ur k°at which went Eastward, found several good bays and 

' harbours, with deep water close to the shore ; but there lay 

* in them several sunken rocks, as there did also in the harbour 
' where the ship lay. These rocks are less dangerous to shipping, 

• by reason they have weeds lying about them/ 

Sharp's From all the preceding description, it appears, that they 

(^"lf^th were at the South part of the Island named Madre de Dios in 

Brazo de la the Spanish Atlas, which Island is South of the Channel, or 

oncepgion ^ rm Q f ^ Q g ea ^ name( j th e Gulf de la S ma Trhndada ; and 

Sarmiento. that Sharp's English Gulf is the Brazo tfe la Conception of 

Sarmiento. 

Ringrose has drawn a sketch of the Duke of York's Islands, and 
one of the English Gulf; but which are not worth copying, as 
they have neither compass, meridian line, scale, nor soundings. 
He has given other plans in the same defective manner, on 
which account they can be of little use. It is necessary however 
to remark a difference in the plan which has been printed of the 
English Gulf from the plan in the manuscript. In the printed 
copy, the shore of the Galfh drawn as one continued line, ad- 
mitting no thoroughfare; whereas, in the manuscript plan, there 
are clear openings leaving a prospect of channels through. 

Towards the end of October, the weather settled fair. Hitherto 
they had seen no inhabitants ; bilt on the 27th, a party went from 
the ship in a boat, on an excursion in search of provisions, and 
Natives, unhappily caught sight of a small boat belonging to the natives 
of the land. The ship's boat rowed in pursuit, and the natives, 
a man, a woman, and a boy, finding their boat would be over- 
taken. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 121 

taken, all leapt overboard and swam towards shore. This chap. 10 . 

villainous crew of Buccaneers had the barbarity to shoot at jgg^ 

them in the water, and they shot the man dead; the woman October. 

made her escape to land; the boy, a stout lad about eighteen One of 
n i • i 1 t t 1 • i them killed 

years ot age, was taken, and with the Indian boat, was carried by the 

to the ship. Buccaneers. 

The poor lad thus made prisoner had only a small covering 
of seal skin. ' He was squint-eyed, and his hair was cut short. 

* The doree, or boat, in which he and the other Indians were, 
1 was built sharp at each end and flat bottomed : in the 
' middle they had a fire burning for dressing victuals, or other 
' use. They had a net to catch penguins, a club like to our 
' bandies, and wooden darts. This young Indian appeared by 

* his actions to be very innocent and foolish. He could open 
' large muscles with his fingers, which our Buccaneers could 
' scarcely manage with their knives. He was very wild, and 

* would eat raw flesh/ 

By the beginning of November the rudder was repaired and November. 
hung. Ringrose says, ' we could perceive, now the stormy 
8 weather was blown over, much small fry of fish about the 
4 ship, whereof before we saw none. The weather began to be 
4 warm, or rather hot, and the birds, as thrushes and blackbirds, 

* to sing as sweetly as those in England/ 

On the 5th of November, they sailed out of the English Native of 
Gulf., taking with them their young Indian prisoner, to whom carried 
they gave the name of Orson. As they departed, the natives away. 
on some of the lands to the Eastward made great fires. At six 
in the evening the ship was without the mouth of the Gulf: 
the wind blew fresh from NW, and they stood out SWbW, to 
keep clear of breakers which lie four leagues without the 
entrance of the Gulf to the South and SSE. Many reefs and 
rocks were seen hereabouts, on account of which, they kept close 
to the wind till they were a good distance clear of the land. 

R Their 



it* HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 10 . Their navigation from here to the Atlantic was, more than 

v ■ 

1681. could have been imagined, like the journey of travellers by 
November, night in a strange country without a guide. The weather was 

stormy, and they would not venture to steer in for the Strait of 
Magalhanes, which they had purposed to do for the benefit of 
the provision which the shores of the Strait afford of fresh water, 
fish, vegetables, and wood. They ran to the South to go round 
the Tierra del Fuego, having the wind from the NW, which was 
the most favourable for this navigation ; but they frequently lay 
Passage to, because the weather was thick. On the 12th, they had not 
Cape Horn. P assea " the Tierra del Fuego. The latitude according to obser- 
vation that day was 55° 25', and the course they steered was 
14th. SSE. On the 14th, Ringrose says, ' the latitude was observed 

A K\?eLand e ' 5 7° 5() ' S > and on tllis da J we could perceive land, from which 
Latitude « at noon we were due West.' They steered EbS, and expected 
5y° 5</S.' t' 13 ^ a t daylight the next morning they should be close in with 
the land ; but the weather became cloudy with much fall of 
snow, and nothing more of it was seen. No longitude or 
meridian distance is noticed, and it must remain doubtful 
whether what they took for land was floating ice; or their 
observation for the latitude erroneous, and that they saw the 
Isles of Diego Ramirez. 

Ice Islands. Three days afterwards, in latitude 58° 3o' S, they fell in with 
Ice Islands, one of which they reckoned to be two leagues 
in circumference. A strong current set here Southward. They 
held on their course Eastward so far that when at length they 
did sail Northward, they saw neither the Tierra del Fuego nor 
Stalen Island. 

December. December the 5th, they divided the plunder which had been 
reserved, each man's share of which amounted to 328 pieces of 
eight. Their course was now bent for the West Indies. 

1682. January the 15th, died William Stephens, a seaman, whose 
January, death was attributed to his having eaten three manchineal 

apples 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 123 

apples six months before, when on the coast of New Spain, chap, 10. 
c from which time he wasted away till he became a perfect x q% 2 m 

' skeleton/ January. 

January the 28th, 1682, they made the Island of Barbadoes, Arrive 
but learnt that the Richmond, a British frigate, was lying in the vvest iVdks. 
road. Ringrose and his fellow journalists say, ' we having acted 
' in all our voyage without a commission, dared not be so bold 
6 as to put in, lest the said frigate should seize us for pyrateering, 
' and strip us of all we had got in the whole voyage/ They next 
sailed to Antigua ; but the Governor at that Island, Colonel 
Codrington, would not give them leave to enter the harbour, 
though they endeavoured to soften him by sending a present 
of jewels to his lady, which, however, were not accepted. Sharp 
and his crew grew impatient at their uneasy situation, and came 
to a determination to separate. Some of them landed at Antigua', 
Sharp and others landed at Nevis, whence they got passage to 
England. Their ship, which was the Trinidad captured in the 
Bay of Panama, was left to seven men of the company who 
had lost their money by gaming. The Buccaneer journals say 
nothing of their Patagonian captive Orson after the ship sailed 
from his country ; and what became of the ship after Sharp 
quitted her does not appear. 

Bartholomew Sharp, and a few others, on their arrival in Bart. Sharp 
England, were apprehended, and a Court of Admiralty was held ^j^"^ 
at the Marshalsea in Southwark, where, at the instance of the tried for 
Spanish Ambassador, they were tried for committing acts 
of piracy in the South Sea ; but from the defectiveness of 
the evidence produced, they escaped conviction. One of the 
principal charges against them was for taking the Spanish ship 
Rosario, and killing the Captain and another man belonging 
to her; * but it was proved/ says the author of the anonymous 
Narrative, who was one of the men brought to trial, 'that the 

r 2 • Spaniards 



Piracy. 



124 HISTORY OF THE 

c h a p. i o . < Spaniards fired at us first, and it was judged that we ought 
1682. * to defend ourselves/ Three Buccaneers of Sharp's crew were 
also tried at Jamaica, one of whom was condemned and 
hanged, ' who,' the narrator says, * was wheedled into an open 
' confession : the other two stood it out, and escaped for want 
* of witnesses to prove the fact against them/ Thus terminated 
what may be called the First Expedition of the Buccaneers in 
the South Sea ; the boat excursion by Morgan's men in the 
Bay of Panama being of too little consequence to be so reckoned. 
They had now made successful experiment of the route both 
by sea and land; and the Spaniards in the South Sea had 
reason to apprehend a speedy renewal of their visits. 

Carlos Enriquez Clerck, who went from England with 
Captain Narbrough, was at this time executed at Lima, on a 
charge of holding correspondence with the English of Jamaica; 
which act of severity probably is attributable more to the 
alarm which prevailed in the Government of Peru, than to any 
guilty practices of Clerck. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 125 



CHAP. XI. 

Disputes between the French Government and their West -India 
Colonies. Morgan becomes Deputy Governor of Jamaica. 
La Vera Cruz surprised by the Flibustiers. Other of their 
Enterprises. 

\\T HILST so many of the English Buccaneers were seeking chap. 11. 

plunder in the South Sea, the French Flibustiers had not 1680. 
been inactive in the West Indies, notwithstanding that the French Proceed- 
government, after the conclusion or the war with Spam, issued Buccaneers 
orders prohibiting the subjects of France in the West Indies from „. in the 

r o J West Indies. 

cruising against the Spaniards. A short time before this order prohibitions 
arrived, a cruising commission had been given to Granmont, against 

f . Piracy Ly 

who had thereupon collected men, and made preparation for an the French 
expedition to the Tierra Firma; and they did not choose that Governu,ent; 
so much pains should be taken to no purpose. The French 
settlers generally, were at this time much dissatisfied on account 
of some regulations imposed upon them by the Company of 
Farmers, whose privileges and authority extended to fixing the 
price upon growth, the produce of the soil; and which they 
exercised upon tobacco, the article then most cultivated by 
the French in Hispaniola, rigorously requiring the planters to 
deliver it to the Company at the price so pi escribed. Many 
of the inhabitants, ill brooking to live under such a system of 
robbery, made preparations to withdraw to the English and 
Dutch settlements ; but their discontent on this account was 
much allayed by the Governor writing a remonstrance to the 
French Minister, and promising them his influence towards 
obtaining a suppression of the farming tobacco. Fresh cause 
of discontent soon occurred, by a monopoly of the French 

African 



126 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 11. 



African Slave Trade being put into the hands of a new com- 

1680. pany, which was named the Senegal Company. 

Disregard- Granmont and the Flibustiers engaged with him, went to the 

French 6 coas ^ °f Cumana, where they did considerable mischief to the 

Buccaneers. Spaniards, with some loss, and little profit, to themselves. 

1680-1. In the autumn of this same year, the Earl of Carlisle, who 

was Governor of Jamaica, finding the climate did not agree 

with his constitution, returned to England, and left as his 

Sir Henry Deputy to govern in Jamaica, Morgan, the plunderer of Panama, 

Deputy' but wno was now S' r Henry Morgan. This man had found favour 

Govemorof with King Charles it. or with his Ministers, had been knighted, 

and appointed a Commissioner of the Admiralty Court in 

HisSeverity Jamaica- On becoming Deputy Governor, his administration was 

to the j* ar f rom being favourable to his old associates, some of whom 
Buccaneers. ° 

suffered the extreme hardship of being tried and hanged under 

his authority ; and one crew of Buccaneers, most of them 
Englishmen, who fell into his hands, he sent to be delivered up 
(it may be presumed that he sold them) to the Spaniards at 
Carthagena. Morgan's authority as Governor was terminated the 
following year, by the arrival of a Governor from England*. 

The impositions on planting and commerce in the French 
settlements, in the same degree that they discouraged cultivation, 
encouraged cruising, and the Flibustier party so much in- 
creased, as to have little danger to apprehend from any 
1683. Governor's authority. The matter however did not come to 
issue, for in 1683, war again broke out between France and 
Spain. But before the intelligence arrived in the West Indies, 
1200 French Flibustiers had assembled under Van Horn (a native 

of 

* Morgan continued in office at Jamaica during the remainder of the reign of 
King Charles the lid. ; but was suspected by the Spaniards of connivance with 
the Buccaneers, and in the next reign, the Court, of Spain had influence to pro- 
cure his being sent home prisoner from the West Indies. He was kept three years 
in prison ; but without charge being brought forward against him. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 127 

ofOstend), Granmont, and another noted Fiibustier named cha p.ii. 
Laurent de Graaf, to make an expedition against the Spaniards. 1683. 

Van Horn had been a notorious pirate, and for a number of Van Horn, 
years had plundered generally, without shewing partiality or « ran ™ont, 
favour to ships of one nation more than to those of another, de Graaf, 
After amassing great riches, he began to think plain piracy too La*v*era 
dangerous an occupation, and determined to reform, which c *'uz. 
he did by making his peace with the French Governor in 
Hispaniola, and turning Buccaneer or Fiibustier, into which 
fraternity he was admitted on paying entrance. 

The expedition which he undertook in conjunction with 
Granmont and de Graaf, was against La Vera Cruz in the 
Gulf of Mexico, a town which might be considered as the 
magazine for all the merchandise which passed between New) 
Spain and Old Spain, and was defended by a fort, said to be 
impregnable. The Flibustiers sailed for this place with a fleet 
of ten ships. They had information that two large Spanish 
ships, with cargoes of cacao, were expected at La Vera Cruz 
from the Caraccas ; and upon this intelligence, they put in 
practice the following expedient. They embarked the greater They sur- 
number of their men on board two of their largest ships, which, Townb 
on arriving near La Vera Cruz, put aloft Spanish colours, and Stratagem. 
ran, with all sail set, directly for the port like ships chased, the 
rest of the Buccaneer ships appearing at a distance behind, 
crowding sail after them. The inhabitants of La Vera Cruz 
believed the two headmost ships to be those which were 
expected from the Caraccas-, and, as the Flibustiers had con- 
trived that they should not reach the port till after dark, 
suffered them to enter without offering them molestation, and 
to anchor close to the town, which they did without being 
suspected to be enemies. In the middle of the night, the 
Flibustiers landed, and surprised the fort, which made them 

masters 



128 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. " ■ masters of the town. The Spaniards of the garrison, and all 
1683. the inhabitants who fell into their hands, they shut up in the 
churches, where they were kept three days, and with so little 
care for their subsistence that several died from thirst, and 
some by drinking immoderately when water was at length 
given to them. With the plunder, and what was obtained for 
ransom of the town, it is said the Flibustiers carried away a 
million of piastres, besides a number of slaves and prisoners. 

Van Horn shortly after died of a wound received in a quarrel 
with De Graaf. The ship he had commanded, which mounted 
fifty guns, was bequeathed by him to Granmont, who a short 
time before had lost a ship of nearly the same force in a gale 
of wind. 

Some quarrels happened at this time between the French Fli- 
bustiers and the English Buccaneers, which are differently related 
by the English and the French writers. The French account says, 
that in a Spanish ship captured by the Flibustiers, was found a 
letter from the Governor o\ Jamaica addressed to the Governor 
of the Havannah, proposing a union of their force to drive the 
Story of French from Hispaniola. Also, that an English ship of 30 guns 
Ind an caine cruising near Tortuga, and when the Governor of Tortuga 
English sen t tl sloop to demand of the English Captain his business there, 



Ship. 



the Englishman insolently replied, that the sea was alike free to 
all, and he had no account to render to any one. For this answer, 
the Governor sent out a ship to take the English ship, but the 
Governor's ship was roughly treated, and obliged to retire into 
port. Granmont had just returned from the La Vera Cruz 
expedition, and the Governor applied to him, to go with his 
fifty gun ship to revenge the affront put upon their nation. 
£ Granmont/ says the Narrator, ' accepted the commission 
s joyfully. Three hundred Flibustiers embarked with him in 
i his ship ; he found the Englishman proud of his late victory ; 

< he 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 129 

* he immediately grappled with him and put all the English chap.h . 

* crew to the sword, saving only the Captain, who he carried a 5g 3 
' prisoner to Cape Francois.' On the merit of this service, his 
disobedience to the royal prohibitory order in attacking La 

Vera Cruz was to pass with impunity. The English were not yet; 
sufficiently punished ; the account proceeds, ' Our Flibustiers 

* would no longer receive them as partakers in their enterprises, 

* and even confiscated the share they were entitled to receive 

* for the La Vera Cruz expedition.' Thus the French account. 

If the story of demolishing the English crew is true, the fact 
is not more absurd than the being vain of such an exploit. If 
a fifty gun ship will determine to sink a thirty gun ship, the 
thirty gun ship must in all probability be sunk. The affront 
given, if it deserves to be called an affront, was not worthy 
being revenged with a massacre. The story is found only in 
the French histories, the writers of which it may be suspected 
were moved to make Granmont deal so unmercifully with the 
English crew, by the kind of feeling which so generally pre- 
vails between nations who are near neighbours. To this it may 
be attributed that Pere Charlevoix, both a good historian and 
good critic, has adopted the story; but had it been believed 
by him, he would have related it in a more rational manner, 
and not with exultation. 

English writers mention a disagreement which happened 
about this time between Granmont and the English Buccaneers, 
on account of his taking a sloop belonging to Jamaica, and 
forcing the crew to serve under him; but which crew found 
opportunity to take advantage of some disorder in his ship, 
and to escape in the night*. This seems to have been the 
whole fact; for an outrage such as is affirmed by the French 

writers, 
* British Empire in America, Vol. II. p. 319. 

s 



130 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. **; writers, could not have been committed and have been boasted 
1684. of by one side, without incurring reproach from the other. 

The French Government was highly offended at the insu- 
bordination and unmanageableness of the Fli bustiers in Hispa- 
niola, and no one was more so than the French King, 
Louis xiv. Towards reducing them to a more orderly state, 
instructions were sent to the Governors in the West Indies to be 
strict in making them observe Port regulations; the principal 
of which were, that all vessels should register their crew and 
lading before their departure, and also at their return into port; 
that they should abstain from cruising in times of peace, and 
should take out regular commissions in times of war; and that 
they should pay the dues of the crown, one item of which was a 
tenth of all prizes and plunder. 
Disputes of The number of the French Flibustiers in 1684, was estimated 
Governors t0 De 3000. The French Government desired to convert them 
with the i n t settlers. A letter written in that year from the French 

Flibustiers . 

of Saint Minister to the Governor General or the French West-India 
Dommgo. j s ] anc j Sj h as this remarkable expression : ' His Majesty esteems 
' nothing more important than to render these vagabonds good 
' inhabitants of Saint Domingo.' Such being the disposition of 
the French Government, it was an oversight that they did not 
contribute towards so desirable a purpose by making some 
abatement in the impositions which oppressed and retarded 
cultivation, which would have conciliated the Colonists, and 
have been encouragement to the Flibustiers to become planters. 
But the Colonists still had to struggle against farming the 
tobacco, which they had in vain attempted to get commuted 
for some other burthen, and many cultivators of that plant 
were reduced to indigence. The greediness of the French 
chartered companies appears in the Senegal Company making 
it a subject of complaint, that the Flibustiers sold the negroes 

they 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 131 

they took from the Spaniards to whomsoever they pleased, chap. 11^ 
to the prejudiee of the interest of the Company. It was 1684. 
unreasonable to expect the Flibustiers would give up their 
long accustomed modes of gain, sanctioned as they had 
hitherto been by the acquiescence and countenance of the 
French Government, and turn planters, under circumstances 
discouraging to industry. Their number likewise rendered it 
necessary to observe mildness and forbearance in the endeavour 
to reform them ; but both the encouragement and the for- 
bearance were neglected ; and in consequence of their being 
made to apprehend rigorous treatment in their own settle- 
ments, many removed to the British and Dutch Islands. 

The French Flibustiers were unsuccessful at this time in 
some enterprises they undertook in the Bay of Campeachy, 
where they lost many men : on the other hand, three of their 
ships, commanded by De Graaf, Michel le Basque, and 
another Flibustier named Jonque, engaged and took three 
Spanish ships which were sent purposely against them out of 
Carthagena. 



s 2 



132 BUCCANEER EXPEDITION 



CHAP. XII. 

Circumstances which preceded the Second Irruption of the Buccaneers 
into the South Sea. Buccaneers under John Cook sail from 
Virginia; stop at the Cape de Verde Islands; at Sierra 
Leone. Origin and History of the Report concerning the 
supposed Discovery o/"Pepys Island. 

chap. 12 . r ~][~' 1 HE Prohibitions being enforced, determined many, both 
of the English Buccaneers and of the French Flibustiers, 
to seek their fortunes in the South Sea, where they would be at 
a distance from the control of any established authority. This 
determination was not a matter generally concerted. The first 
example was speedily followed, and a trip to the South Sea in 
a short time became a prevailing fashion among them. Expe- 
ditions were undertaken by different bodies of men uncon- 
nected with each other, except when accident, or the similarity 
of their pursuits, brought them together. 
Circum- Among the Buccaneers in the expedition of 1680 to the 
ceding the South Sea, who from dislike to Sharp's command returned across 
Second the Isthmus of Darien at the same time with Dam pier, was one 
of the John Cook, who on arriving again in the West Indies, entered 
Buccaneers on k oarc i a vesse ] commanded bv a Dutchman of the name of 

into the J 

South Sea. Yanky, which was fitted up as a privateer, and provided with 
a French commission to cruise against the Spaniards. Cook, 
being esteemed a capable seaman, was made Quarter-Master, 
by which title, in privateers as well as in buccaneer vessels, the 
officer next in command to the Captain was called. Cook 
continued Quarter-Master with Yanky till they took a Spanish 
ship which was thought well adapted for a cruiser. Cook 

claimed 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 133 

claimed to have the command of this ship, and, according to chap. 12 . 
the usage among privateers in such cases, she was allotted to -^83. 
him, with a crew composed of men who volunteered to sail 
with him. Dampier was of the number, as were several others 
who had returned from the South Sea ; division was made of 
the prize goods, and Cook entered on his new command. 

This arrangement took place at Isla Vaca, or Isle a Vache, 
a small Island near the South coast of Hispaniola, which was 
then much resorted to by both privateers and Buccaneers. It 
happened at this time, that besides Yanky's ship, some French 
privateers having legal commissions, were lying at Avache, and 
their Commanders did not contentedly behold men without a 
commission, and who were but Buccaneers, in the possession of 
a finer ship than any belonging to themselves who cruised 
under lawful authority. The occasion being so fair, and remem- 
bering what Morgan had done in a case something similar, after 
short counsel, they joined together, and seized the buccaneer 
ship, goods, and arms, and turned the crew ashore. A fellow- 
feeling that still existed between the privateers and Buccaneers, 
and probably a want of hands, induced a Captain Tristian, 
who commanded one of the privateers, to receive into his ship 
ten of the Buccaneers to be part of his crew. Among these 
were Cook, and a Buccaneer afterwards of greater note, named 
Edward Davis. Tristian sailed to Petit Guaves, where the ship 
had not been long at anchor, before himself and the greatest 
part of his men went on shore. Cook and his companions 
thought this also a fair occasion, and accordingly they made 
themselves masters of the ship. Those of Tristian's men who 
were on board, they turned ashore, and immediately taking up 
the anchors, sailed back close in to the Isle a Vache, where, 
before notice of their exploit readied the Governor, they 
collected and took on board the remainder of their old com- 
pany, 



t§sk BUCCANEER EXPEDITION 

oh a p. 12. pany, and sailed away. They had scarcely left the Isle a Vache, 

1683. when they met and captured two vessels, one of which was a 

ship from France laden with wines. Thinking- it unsafe to 

continue longer in the West Indies, they directed their course for 

Virginia, where they arrived with their prizes in April 1683. 

In Virginia they disposed of their prize goods, and two" 
vessels, keeping one with which they proposed to make a voyage 
to the South Sea, and which they named the Revenge. She 
mounted 1 8 guns, and the number of adventurers who embarked 
in her, were about seventy, the major part of them old Bucca- 
August. neers? gome of whose names have since been much noted, as 
Buccaneers WilH Dampier, Edward Davis, Lionel Wafer, Ambrose 

under * ' ' 

John Cook Cowley, and .lohn Cook their Captain. August the 23d, 1683, 

South Sea. they sailed from the Chesapeah. 

Dampier and Cowley have both related their piratical adven- 
tures, but with some degree of caution, to prevent bringing upon 
themselves a charge of piracy. Cowley pretended that he was 
engaged to sail in the Revenge to navigate her, but was kept 
in ignorance of the design of the voyage, and made to believe 
they were bound for the Island Hispaniola ; and that it was not 
revealed to him till after they got out to sea, that instead of 
to the West Indies, they were bound to the coast of Guinea, 
there to seek for a better ship, in which they might sail to the 
Great South Sea. William Dampier, who alwa} 7 s shews respect 
for truth, would not stoop to dissimulation ; but he forbears being 
circumstantial concerning the outset of this voyage, and the 
particulars of their proceedings whilst in the Atlantic; supply- 
ing the chasm in the following general terms ; " August the 
" 23d, 1683, we sailed from Virginia under the command of 
" Captain Cook, bound for the South Seas. I shall not trouble 
" the reader with an account of every day's run, but hasten to 
" the less known parts of the world." 

Whilst 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 155 

Whilst near the coast of Virginia they met a Dutch ship, out chap. 12 . 
of which they took six casks of wine, and other provisions ; 16S3. 
also two Dutch seamen, who voluntarily entered with them. 
Some time in September they anchored at the Isle of Sal, where September, 
they procured fish and a few goats, but neither fruits nor good Cape 

de Verde 

fresh water. Only five men lived on the Island, who were all islands. 

black ; but they called themselves Portuguese, and one was 

st\ded the Governor. These Portuguese exchanged a lump of 

ambergris, or what was supposed to be ambergris, for old 

clothes. Dam pier says, ' not a man in the ship knew ambergris, Ambergris. 

' but I have since seen it in other places, and am certain this 

' was not the right ; it was of a dark colour, like sheep's dung, 

6 very soft, but of no smell ; and possibly was goat's dung. 

' Some I afterwards saw sold at the Nicobars in the East Indies, 

4 was of lighter colour, and very hard, neither had that any 

* smell, and I suppose was also a cheat. Mr. Hill, a surgeon, 
6 once shewed me a piece of ambergris, and related to me, that 
6 one Mr. Benjamin Barker, a man I have been long well 

* acquainted with, and know to be a very sober and credible 
' person, told this Mr. Hill, that being in the Bay of Honduras, 
( he found in a sandy bay upon the shore of an Island, a lump 
6 of ambergris so large, that when carried to Jamaica, it was 
' found to weigh upwards of 100 lbs. When he found it, it lay 
' dry above the mark of the sea at high water, and in it were 
' a great multitude of beetles. It was of a dusky colour, towards 
' black, about the hardness of mellow cheese, and of a very 
' fragrant smell. What Mr. Hill shewed me was some of it, 
6 which Mr. Barker had given him */ 

There were wild-fowl at Sal; and Flamingos, of which, and The 
their manner of building their nests, Dampier has given a 
description. The flesh of the Flamingo is lean and black, yet 



gooci 



* Dampier, Vol. I, p. 73. 



136 



BUCCANEER EXPEDITION 



1683. 

Cape 

de Verde 

Islands. 



November 
Coast or' 
Guinea. 



chap. 12. good meat, 'tasting neither fishy nor any way unsavory. A 
' dish of Flamingos' tongues is fit for a Prince's table: they are 
' large, and have a knob of fat at the root which is an excellent 
' bit. When many of them stand together, at a distance they 
' appear like a brick wall ; for their feathers are of the colour 
' of new red brick, and, except when feeding, they commonly 
4 stand upright, exactly in a row close by each other.' 

From the Isle of Sal they went to other of the Cape de Verde 
Islands. At St. Nicholas they watered the ship by digging 
wells, and at Mayo they procured some provisions. They 
afterwards sailed to the Island St. Jago, but a Dutch ship was 
lying at anchor in Port Pray a, which fired her guns at them as 
soon as they came within reach of shot, and the Buccaneers 
thought it prudent to stand out again to sea. 

They next sailed to the coast of Guinea, which they made in 
the beginning of November, near Sierra Leone. A large ship 
was at anchor in the road, which proved to be a Dane. On 
sight of her, and all the time they were standing into the 
road, all the Buccaneer crew, except a few men to manage 
the sails, kept under deck ; which gave their ship the appear- 
ance of being a weakly manned merchant- vessel. When they 
drew near the Danish ship, which they did with intention to 
board her, the Buccaneer Commander, to prevent suspicion, 
gave direction in a loud voice to the steersman to put the helm 
one way ; and, according to the plan preconcerted, the steers- 
man put it the contrary, so that their vessel seemed to fall 
on board the Dane through mistake. By this stratagem, they 
surprised, and, with the loss of five men, became masters of a 
ship mounting 36 guns, which was victualled and stored for a 
long voyage. This achievement is related circumstantially in 
Cowley's manuscript Journal * ; but in his published account he 

only 

* In the Sloane Collection, Brit. Mus. 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 137 

only says, ' near Cape Sierra Leone, we alighted on a new ship cha p. 12. 
' of 40 guns, which we boarded and carried her away. ,683. 

They went with their prize to a river South of the Sierra November. 
Leone, called the Sherborough, to which they were safely piloted Coast of 
through channels among; shoals, by one of the crew who had _, , \ 

. ° J Sherborough 

been there before. At the River Sherborough there was then an River* 
English factory, but distant from where they anchored. Near 
them was a large town inhabited by negroes, who traded 
freely, selling them rice, fowls, plantains, sugar-canes, palm- 
wine, and honey. The town was skreened from shipping by a 
grove of trees. 

The Buccaneers embarked here all in their new ship, and 
named her the Batchelor's Delight. Their old ship they burnt, 

* that she might tell no tales,' and set their prisoners on 
shore, to shift as well as they could for themselves. 

They sailed from the coast of Guinea in the middle of 
November, directing their course across the Atlantic towards the 
Strait of Magalhanes. On January the 28th, 1684, they had 1684. 
sight of the Northernmost of the Islands discovered by Captain ."^""i^.*, 

e . John Davis s 

John Davis in 1592, (since, among other appellations, called Islands, 
the Sebald de Weert Islands.) From the circumstance of their 
falling in with this land, originated the extraordinary report of 
an Island being; discovered in the Southern Atlantic Ocean in 
lat. 47° S, and by Cowley named Tepys Island; which was long 
believed to exist, and has been sought after by navigators of dif- 
ferent European nations, even within our own time. The fol- 
lowing are the particulars which caused so great a deception. 

Cowley says, in his manuscript Journal, 'January 1683: History 

* This month we were in latitude 47° 40', where we espied an Report of a 
4 Island bearing West of us, and bore away for it, but being too Dlscov ery 

* late we lay by all night. The Island seemed very pleasant to Pepys 
6 the eye, with many woods. I may say the whole Island was s an ' 

T ' woods, 



138 BUCCANEER EXPEDITION 

CHAP ll~; l woods, there being a rock above water to the Eastward of it 

v — - — ""v 

1684. ' with innumerable fowls. I sailed along that Island to the 

Of the ' Southward, and about the SW side of the Island there seemed 

concerning " t°" me to be a good place for ships to ride. The wind blew 

Pepys « fresh, and they would not put the boat out. Sailing a little 

6 further, having 26 and 27 fathoms water, we came to a place 

' where we saw the weeds ride, and found only seven fathoms 

* water and all rocky ground, therefore we put the ship about: 

* but the harbour seemed a good place for ships to ride in. 
6 There seemed to me harbour for 500 sail of shipping, the 
' going in but narrow, and the North side of the entrance 
4 shallow that I could see : but I think there is water enough 
1 on the South side. I would have had them stand upon a 
' wind all night; but they told me they did not come out to go r 
' upon discovery. We saw likewise another Island by this, 
' which made me to think them the Sibble D' wards*.' 

The latitude given by Cowley is to be attributed to his igno- 
rance, and to this part of his narrative being composed from 
memory, which he acknowledges, though it is not so stated in 
the printed Narrative. His describing the land to be covered 
with wood, is sufficiently accounted for by the appearance it 
makes at a distance, which in the same manner has deceived 
other voyagers. Pernety, in his Introduction to M. de Bou- 
gainville's Voyage to the Malouines (by which name the French 
Voyagers have chosen to call John Davis's Islands) says, * As to 
' wood, we were deceived by appearances in running along the 

* coast of the Malouines: we thought we saw some, but on 
6 landing, these appearances were discovered to be only tall bul- 
c rushes with large flat leaves, such as are called corn flags -j-.' 

The Editor of Cowley's Journal, William Hack, might 

possibly 

* Cowley's MS. Journal. Sloane Collection, JSo. 54. 

+ See also Pernety s Journal, p. 179, English translation. 



Island. 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 139 

possibly believe from the latitude mentioned by Cowley, that chap. 12. 
the land seen by him was a new discovery. To give it a less ^84. 
doubtful appearance, he dropped the 40 minutes of latitude, Of the 
and also Cowley's conjecture that the land was the Sebald de conc e^jjJ ff 
Weerts ; and with this falsification of the Journal, he took occa- T p n e Py, s 
sion to compliment the Honourable Mr. Pepys, who was then 
Secretary of the Admiralty, by putting his name to the land, 
giving as Cowley's words, ' In the latitude of 47°, we saw land, 
* the same being an Island not before known. I gave it the 
6 name of Pepys Island.' Hack embellished this account with a 
drawing of Pepys Island, in which is introduced an Admiralty 
Bay, and Secretary's Point. 

The account which Dampier has given of their falling in with 
this land, would have cleared up the whole matter, but for a 
circumstance which is far more extraordinary than any yet 
mentioned, which is, that it long escaped notice, and seems 
never to have been generally understood, that Dampier and 
Cowley were at this time in the same ship, and their voyage 
thus far the same. 

Dampier says, 'January the 28th (1683-4) we made the 
' Sebald de Weerts. They are three rocky barren Islands with- 
6 out any tree, only some bushes growing on them. The two 
' Northernmost lie in 51° S, the other in 51° SO' S. "We could 
4 not come near the two Northern Islands, but we came close 
' by the Southern ; but we could not obtain soundings till within 
8 two cables' length of the shore, and there found the bottom 
' to be foul rocky ground*.' In consequence of the inattention, 
or oversight, in not perceiving that Dampier and Cowley were 
speaking of the same land, Hack's ingenious adulation of the 
Secretary of the Admiralty flourished a full century undetected ; 
a Pepys Island being all the time admitted in the charts. 

Near 

* Dampier' s Manuscript Journal, No. 3236, Shane Collection, British Museum. 

T S 



140 BUCCANEER EXPEDITION 

chap. 12 . Near these Islands the variation was observed 23° 1 0' Easterly. 

1684. They passed through great shoals of small red lobsters, ' no 

January. ' bigger than the top of a man's little finger, yet all their claws, 

Shoals of < both great and small, were like a lobster. I never saw/ says 

small red ^ „ , . _ ._ _ -mi 

Lobsters. .Dampier, * any or this sort ot hsh naturally red, except here. 

The winds blew hard from the Westward, and they could not 

February, fetch the Strait of Magalhanes. On February the 6th, they 

, were at the entrance of Strait leMaire, when it fell calm, and a 

strong tide set out of the Strait Northward, which made a short 

irregular sea, as in a race, or place where two tides meet, and 

broke over the waist of the ship, * which was tossed about like 

They sail an egg-shell.' A breeze springing up from the WNW, they 

East end bore away Eastward, and passed round the East end of Stateti 

Island" Istond ', after which they saw no other land till they came into 

and enter the South Sea. They had much rain, and took advantage of it 

the 

South Sea. to fill 23 casks with fresh water. 
March. March the 1 7th, they were in latitude 36° S, standing for the 
Island Juan Fernandez. Variation 8° East. 



TO THE SOUTH SEA. 141 



CHAP. XIII. 

buccaneers under John Cook arrive at Juan Fernandez. Account 
of William, a Mosquito Indian, who had lived there three years. 
They sail to the Galapagos Islands; thence to the Coast of 
New Spain. John Cook dies. Edward Davis chosen Com- 
mander. 

dOONTINUING their course fox Juan Fernandez, on the chap. 13. 
^~^ 19th in the morning, a strange ship was seen to the South- \6%^. 
ward, standing after them under all her sail. The Buccaneers March 
were in hopes she would prove to be a Spaniard, and brought 
to, to wait her coming up. The people on board the strange 
vessel entertained similar expectations, for they also were 
English, and were come to the South Sea to pick up what they 
could. This ship was named the Nicholas; her Commander 
John Eaton ; she fitted out in the River Thames under pretence 
of a trading, but in reality with the intention of making a, 
piratical voyage. 

The two ships soon joined, and on its being found that they Joined by 
had come on the same errand to the South Sea, Cook and XT . , n , e - 

.Nicholas of 

Eaton and their men agreed to keep company together. London, 

It was learnt from Eaton that another English ship, named commander. 
the Cygnet, commanded by a Captain Swan, had sailed from 
London for the South Sea ; but fitted out by reputable mer- 
chants, and provided with a cargo for a trading voyage, having 
a licence from the Duke of York, then Lord High Admiral of 
England. The Cygnet and the Nicholas had met at the 
entrance of the Strait of Magalhanes, and they entered the 
South Sea in company, but had since been separated by bad 

weather, 

March 



Indian. 



142 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 13. March the 22d, the Batchelor's Delight and the Nicholas 

1684. came in sight of the Island Juan Fernandez. 
March 22d. The reader may remember that when the Buccaneers under 

A t - T n fi n 

Fernandez. Watling were at Juan Fernandez in January 1681, the appear- 
ance of three Spanish ships made them quit the Island in great 
William haste, and they left behind a Mosquito Indian named William, 
Mosquito who was in the woods hunting for goats. Several of the Bucca- 
neers who were then with Watling were now with Cook, and, 
eager to discover if any traces could be found which would 
enable them to conjecture what was become of their former 
companion, but with small hope of finding him still here, as 
soon as they were near enough for a boat to be sent from the 
ship, they hastened to the shore. Dampier was in this first boat, 
as was also a Mosquito Indian named Robin ; and as they 
drew near the land, they had the satisfaction to see William at 
the sea-side waiting to receive them. Dampier has given the 
following affecting account of their meeting. * Robin, his 
4 countryman, was the first who leaped ashore from the boats, 
4 and running to his brother Moskito man, threw himself flat on 
4 his face at his feet, who helping him up and embracing him, 
4 fell flat with his face on the ground at Robin's feet, and was 
4 by him taken up also. We stood with pleasure to behold the 
' surprise, tenderness, and solemnity Of this interview, which 

* was exceedingly affectionate on both sides : and when their 
4 ceremonies were over, we also that stood gazing at them, drew 
4 near, each of us embracing him we had found here, who was 

* overjoyed to see so many of his old friends, come hither as 
4 he thought purposely to fetch him. He was named Will, as 
6 the other was Robin; which names were given them by the 
4 English, for they have no names among themselves, and they 
4 take it as a favour to be named by us, and will complain if we 
4 do not appoint them some name when they are with us/ 

William 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 143 

William had lived in solitude on Juan Fernandez above three ch ap. 13. 
years. The Spaniards knew of his being on the Island, and 1684. 
Spanish ships had stopped there, the people belonging to which March. 
had made keen search after him ; but he kept himself concealed, Juan 

, , . n ,. , . . . . _ Tr Fernandez. 

and they could never discover his retreat. At the time Wat- 
ling sailed from the Island, he had a musket, a knife, a small 
horn of powder, and a few shot. ' When his ammunition was 
■ expended, he contrived by notching his knife, to saw the 
4 barrel of his gun into small pieces, wherewith he made har- 

* poons, lances, hooks, and a long knife, heating the pieces of 

* iron first in the fire, and then hammering them out as he 

* pleased with stones. This may seem strange to those not 

* acquainted with the sagacity of the Indians ; but it is no 
4 more than what the Moskito men were accustomed to in their 
4 own country/ He had worn out the clothes with which he 
landed, and was no otherwise clad than with a skin about 
his waist. He made fishing lines of the skins of seals cut into 
thongs. 4 He had built himself a hut, half a mile from the 
4 sea-shore, which he lined with goats' skins, and slept on his 
4 couch or barbecu of sticks raised about two feet from the 

* ground, and spread with goats' skins/ He saw the two ships 
commanded by Cook and Eaton the day before they anchored, 
and from their manoeuvring believing them to be English, he 
killed three goats, which he drest with vegetables ; thus pre- 
paring a treat for his friends on their landing ; and there has 
seldom been a more fair and joyful occasion for festivity. 

Dam pier reckoned two bays in Juan Fernandez proper for 
ships to anchor in ; 4 both at the East end, and in each there is 
a rivulet of good fresh water/ He mentions (it may be supposed stocked 
on the authority of Spanish information) that this Island was with Goats 
stocked with goats by Juan Fernandez, its discoverer, who, in Discoverer. 
a second voyage to it, landed three or four of these animals, 

and 



144 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 13. and they quickly multiplied. Also, that Juan Fernandez had 

1684. formed a plan of settling here, if he could have obtained a 

March, patent or royal grant of the Island ; which was refused him *. 

Juan ^ e J3 uccaneers found here a good supply of provisions in 

goats, wild vegetables, seals, sea-lions, and fish. Dampier says, 

* the seals at Juan Fernandez are as big as calves, and have a 
' fine thick short fur, the like I have not taken notice of any 
6 where but in these seas. The teeth of the sea-lion are the 
£ bigness of a man's thumb : in Captain Sharp's time, some of 
' the Buccaneers made dice of them. Both the sea-lion and the 

* seal eat fish, which I believe is their common food/ 

April. April the 8th, the Batchelor's Delight and Nicholas sailed 

Coast of from Juan Fernandez for the American coast, which they made 

Peru • 

in latitude 24° S, and sailed Northward, keeping sight of the 

May. land, but at a good distance. On May the 3d, in latitude 

9° 40' S, they took a Spanish ship laden with timber. 

Appearance Dampier remarks that * from the latitude of .24° S to 17°, and 

Andes. * from 1 4° to 10° S, the land within the coast is of a prodigious 

4 height. It lies generally in ridges parallel to the shore, one 

' within another, each surpassing the other in height, those 

* inland being the highest. They always appear blue when 
1 seen from sea, and are seldom obscured by clouds or fogs. 
6 These mountains far surpass the Peak of Teneriffe, or the land 
' of Santa Martha.' 

Islands On the 9th, they anchored at the Islands Lobos de la Mar. 

°Mar. e a ' This Lobos consists of two little Islands each about a mile 

' round, of indifferent height, with a channel between fit only 

* for boats. Several rocks lie on the North side of the Islands. 
' There is a small cove, or sandy bay, sheltered from the winds, 
f at the West end of the Easternmost Island, where ships may 

* careen. 

* The writer of Commodore Anson's Voyage informs us that Juan Fernandez 
resided some time on the Island, and afterwards abandoned it. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 145 

s careen. There is good riding between the Easternmost Island chap. 13 . 

* and the rocks, in 10, 12, or 14 fathoms; for the wind is X 684. 

* commonly at S, or SSE, and the Easternmost Island lying May. 

* East and West, shelters that road. Both the Islands are 
c barren, without fresh water, tree, shrub, grass, or herb ; but 

* sea-fowls, seals, and sea-lions were here in multitudes *.' 

On a review of their strength, they mustered in the two ships 
108 men fit for service, besides their sick. They remained 
at the Lobos de la Mar Isles till the 17th, when three vessels 
coming in sight, they took up their anchors and gave chace. 
They captured all the three, which were laden with provisions, 
principally flour, and bound for Panama. They learnt from the 
prisoners that the English ship Cygnet had been at Baldivia, 
and that the Viceroy on information of strange ships having 
entered the South Sea, had ordered treasure which had been 
shipped for Panama to be re-landed. The Buccaneers, finding The y sai1 
they were expected on the coast, determined to go with their Galapagos 
prizes first to the Galapagos Islands, and afterwards to the coast I s l ands - 
of New Spain. 

They arrived in sight of the Galapagos on the 31st; but were 
not enough to the Southward to fetch the Southern Islands, 
the wind being from SbE, which Dampier remarks is the 
common trade-wind in this part of the Pacific. Many instances 
occur in South Sea navigations which shew the disadvantage of 
not keeping well to the South in going to the Galapagos. 

The two ships anchored near the North East part of one of Duke of 
the Easternmost Islands, in 16 fathoms, the bottom white hard island S 
sand, a mile distant from the shore. 

It was during this visit of the Buccaneers to the Galapagos, 
that the chart of these Islands which was published with 

Cowley's 

* Dampier's Voyages, Vol. I, Chap. 5. 

u 



146 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 13. Cowley's voyage was made. Considering the small opportunity 

1684 f° r surveying which was afforded by their track, it may be 

At the reckoned a good chart, and has the merit both of being the 

Galapagos earliest survey known of these Islands, and of having continued 

XSlcHlOS. < 

in use to this day ; the latest charts we have of the Galapagos 
being founded upon this original, and (setting aside the additions) 
varying little from it in the general outlines. 

Where Cook and Eaton first anchored, appears to be the 
Duke of Norfolk's Island of Cowley's chart. They found there 
sea turtle and land turtle, but could stop only one night, on 
account of two of their prizes, which being deeply laden had 
fallen too far to leeward to fetch the same anchorage. 

© 

June. The day following, they sailed on to the next Island West- 

King James s war( j ( m arked King James's Island in the chart) and anchored at 

its North end, a quarter of a mile distant from the shore, in 

1 5 fathoms. Dampier observed the latitude of the North part 

of this second Island, 0° 28' N, which is considerably more 

North than it is placed in Cowley's chart. The riding here was 

very uncertain, ' the bottom being so steep that if an anchor 

' starts, it never holds again.' 

Mistake An error has been committed in the printed Narrative of 

^EditoT 0/ D arn P^ er > which it may be useful to notice. It is there said, 

Dampier's « The Island at which we first anchored hath water on the North 

°} a S ei5 t enc j j f a lli n g down in a stream from high steep rocks upon the 

' sandy bay, where it may be taken up.' Concerning so essential 

an article to mariners as fresh water, no information can be 

Concerning too minute to deserve attention. In the manuscript Journal, 

Water at Dampier says of the first Island at which they anchored, 

King James's « we found there the largest land turtle I ever saw; but the 

' Island is rocky and barren, without wood or water.' At 

the next Island at which they anchored, both Dampier and 

Cowley mention fresh water being found. Cowley says, * this 

* Bay 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 147 

4 Bay I called Albany Bay, and another place York Road. cha p. 13. 

* Here is excellent sweet water/ Dampier also in the margin 1684.. 
of his written Journal where the second anchorage is mentioned, June, 
has inserted the note following : ■ At the North end of the At tbe 

x i i • i r i , , m , Galapagos 

4 Island we saw water running down from the rocks, I he islands. 
editor or corrector of the press has mistakenly applied this to 
the first anchorage. 

Cowley, after assigning names to the different Islands, adds, 
4 We could find no good water on any of these places, save on 

* the Duke of York's \i. e. Kins; James's] Island. But at the Herbage on 

the North 

* North end of Albemarle Island there were green leaves of a en( j of 

' thick substance which we chewed to quench our thirst: and Albemarle 

1 . Island. 

' there were abundance of fowls in this Island which could not 
i live without "water, though we could not find it*.' 

Animal food was furnished by the Galapagos Islands in pro- 
fusion, and of the most delicate kind ; of vegetables nothing of 
use was found except the mammee, the leaves just noticed and 
berries. The name Galapagos which has been assigned to 
these Islands, signifies Turtle in the Spanish language, and was 
given to them on account of the great numbers of those animals, 
both of the sea and land kind, found there. Guanoes, an 
amphibious animal well known in the West Indies, fish, flamin- 
goes, and turtle-doves so tame that they would alight upon the 

men's 

. * The latter part of the above extract is from Cowley's Manuscript. — Captain 
Colnet when at the Galapagos made a similar remark. He says, ' I was perplexed 

' to form a conjecture how the small birds which appeared to remain in one spot, 

' supported themselves without water; but some of our men informed me that as 

' they were reposing beneath a prickly pear-tree, they observed an old bird in- the 

' act of supplying three young ones with drink, by squeezing the berry of a tree 

' into their mouths. It was about the size of a pea, and contained a watery juice 

1 of an acid and not unpleasant taste. The bark of the tree yields moisture, and 

* being eaten allays the thirst. The land tortoise gnaw and suck it. The leaf of 
' this tree is like that of the bay-tree, the fruit grows like cherries ; the juice of the 
f bark dies the flesh of a deep purple.' Colnet's Voyage to the South Sea, p. 53. 

V % 



148 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 13, 

/ ■ — 

1684. 

June. 

At the 

Galapagos 

Islands. 

Land 
Turtle. 



Sea 
Turtle. 



Mammee 
Tree. 



men's heads, were all in great abundance ; and convenient for 
preserving meat, salt was plentiful at the Galapagos. Some 
green snakes were the only other animals seen there. 

The full-grown land turtle were from 1 50 to 200 lbs. in weight. 
Dampier says, ' so sweet that no pullet can eat more plea- 
4 santly. They are very fat ; the oil saved from them was kept 
4 in jars, and used instead of butter to eat with dough-boys or 

* dumplings/ — ' We lay here feeding sometimes on land turtle, 
' sometimes on sea turtle, there being plenty of either sort; 
' but the land turtle, as they exceed in sweetness, so do they in 
4 numbers : it is incredible to report how numerous they are/ 

The sea turtle at the Galapagos are of the larger kind of 
those called the Green Turtle. Dampier thought their flesh 
not so good as the green turtle of the West Indies. 

Dampier describes the Galapagos Isles to be generally of good 
height : 4 four or five of the Easternmost Islands are rocky, 

* hilly, and barren, producing neither tree, herb, nor grass; but 
4 only a green prickly shrub that grows 10 or 12 feet high, as 
4 big as a man's leg, and is 'full of sharp prickles in thick rows 

* from top to bottom, without leaf or fruit. In some places by 

* the sea side grow bushes of Burton wood (a sort of wood 
4 which grows in the West Indies) which is good firing. Some 
4 of the Westernmost of these Islands are nine or ten leagues 
4 long, have fertile land with mold deep and black ; and these 
4 produce trees of various kinds, some of great and tall bodies, 
4 especially the Mammee. The heat is not so violent here as 
4 in many other places under the Equator. The time of year 
4 for the rains, is in November, December, and January/ 

At Albany Bay, and at other of the Islands, the Buccaneers 
built storehouses, in which they lodged 5000 packs of their 
prize flour, and a quantity of sweetmeats, to remain as a 
reserved store to which they might have recourse on any 
future occasion. Part of this provision was landed at the 

Islands 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 149 

Islands Northward of King James's Island, to which they went chap. 13. 
in search of fresh water, but did not find any. They endea- 1684. 
voured to sail back to the Duke of York's Island, Cowley says, June. 

' there to have watered/ but a current setting Northward pre- A' the 

- ° * Galapagos 

vented them. Islands. 

On June the 12th, they sailed from the Galapagos Islands 12th. 
for the Island Cocos, where they proposed to water. The wind ffo J^ ^ e 
at this time was South ; but they expected they should find, as Galapagos. 
they went Northward, the general trade-wind blowing from the 
East ; and in that persuasion they steered more Easterly than the 
line of direction in which Cocos lay from them, imagining that 
when they came to the latitude of the Island, they would have 
to bear down upon it before the wind. Contrary however to 
this expectation, as they advanced Northward they found the 
wind more Westerly, till it settled at SWbS, and they got so 
far Eastward, that they crossed the parallel of Cocos without 
being able to come in sight of it. 

Missing Cocos, they sailed on Northward for the coast of 
New Spain. In the beginning of July, they made the West July. 
Cape of the Gulf of Nicoya. ' This Cape is about the height of N Coa ^ of 

* Beachy Head, and was named Blanco, on account of two c 

4 white rocks lying about half a mile from it, which to those Blanco. 
' who are far off at sea, appear as part of the mainland; but 

* on coming nearer, they appear like two ships under sail*.' 

The day on which they made this land, the Buccaneer Com- Buccaneer' 
mander, John Cook, who had been some time ill, died. Edward Coramander > 

. dies. 

Davis, the Quarter- Master, was unanimously elected by the EdwardDa • 
company to succeed in the command. chosen 

Commander. 
* Dampier, Vol. I. p. 112. 



150 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. XIV. 

Edward Davis Commander. On the coast of New Spain and 
Peru. Algatrane, a bituminous earth. Davis is joined by other 
Buccaneers. Eaton sails to the East Indies. Guayaquil at- 
tempted. Rivers of St. Jago, and Tomaco. In the Bay of 
Panama. Arrivals of numerous parties of Buccaneers across 
the Isthmus from the West Indies. 



CHAP. 34 



; T~\ A M P I E R describes the coast of New Spain immediately 
1684. ^"^ westward of the Cape Blanco last mentioned, to fall in 
July- to the NE about four leagues, making a small bay, which 
Coast of - g k foe Spaniards called Caldera *. Within the entrance 

JNew bpain. J _ r 

c ld of this bay, a league from Cape Blanco, was a small brook of 
Bay. very good water running into the sea. The land here is low, 
making a saddle between two small hills. The ships anchored 
near the brook, in good depth, on a bottom of clean hard sand; 
and at this place, their deceased Commander was taken on 
shore and buried. 

The country appeared thin of inhabitants, and the few seen 
were shy of coming near strangers. Two Indians however were 
caught. Some cattle were seen grazing near the shore, at a 
Beef Estancian or Farm, three miles distant from where the 
ships lay. Two boats were sent thither to bring cattle, having 
with them one of the Indians for a guide. They arrived at the 
farm towards evening, and Isome of the Buccaneers proposed 
that they should remain quiet till daylight next morning, when 
they might surround the cattle and drive a number of them 

into 

* Dumpier, Vol.1, Chap. 5. This description does not agree Avith the Spanish 
Charts; but no complete regular survey appears yet to have been made of the 
Coast of New Spain. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 151 

into a pen or inclosure ; others of the party disliked this chap. 14. 
plan, and one of the boats returned to the ships. Twelve ^3^ 
men, with the other boat, remained, who hauled their boat dry j u ]y. 
up on the beach, and went and took their lodgings for the night Coast of 
by the farm. When the morning arrived, they found the people ew p 
of the country had collected, and saw about 40 armed men 
preparing to attack them. The Buccaneers hastened as speedily 
as they could to the sea-side where they had left their boat, 
and found her in flames. ' The Spaniards now thought they 
4 had them secure, and some called to them to ask if they 

* would be pleased to walk to their plantations ; to which never 

* a word was answered.' Fortunately for the Buccaneers, a 
rock appeared just above water at some distance from the shore, 
and the way to it being fordable, they waded thither. This 
served as a place ot protection against the enemy, 4 who only 
' now and then whistled a shot among them.' It was at about 
half ebb tide when they took to the rock for refuge ; on the 
return of the flood, the rock became gradually covered. They 
had been in this situation seven hours, when a boat arrived, 
sent from the ships in search of them. The rise and fall of the 
tide here was eight feet perpendicular, and the tide was still 
rising at the time the boat came to their relief; so that their 
peril from the sea when on the rock was not less than it had 
been from the Spaniards when they were on shore. 

From Caldera Bay, they sailed for Hia-lexa. The coast near 
Ria-Iexa is rendered remarkable by a high peaked mountain Volcan 
called Volcan Viejo (the Old Volcano.) ' When the mountain Viejo. 
4 bears NE, ships may steer directly in for it, which course will 
4 bring them to the harbour. Those that go thither must take Ria-lexa 
' the sea wind, which is from the SSW, for there is no going in 
4 with the land wind. The harbour is made by a low flat 

* Island about a mile long and a quarter of a mile broad, which 

4 lies 



Harbour. 



152 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



1684. 

July. 

Coast of 
New Spain. 



Bay of 
Amapalla. 



chap. 14. * lies about a mile and a half from the main-land. There is a 

■v ■ 

' channel at each end of the Island : the West channel is the 

* widest and safest, yet at the NW point of the Island there is 
' a shoal of which ships must take heed, and when past the 
' shoal must keep close to the Island on account of a sandy 
4 point which strikes over from the main-land. This harbour is 
' capable of receiving 200 sail of ships. The best riding is near 
' the main-land, where the depth is seven or eight fathoms, 
( clean hard sand. Two creeks lead up to the town of Ria-lexa, 
' which is two leagues distant from the harbour */ 

The Spaniards had erected breastworks and made other pre- 
paration in expectation of such a visit as the present. The 
Buccaneers therefore changed their intention, which had been 
to attack the town ; and sailed on for the Gulf of Amapalla. 

6 The Bay or Gulf of Amapalla runs eight or ten leagues into 

* the country. On the South side of its entrance is Point 
' Casivina, in latitude 12° 40" N ; and on the NW side is Mount 
' San Miguel. There are many Islands in this Gulf, all low 
' except two, named Amapalla and Mangera, which are both 
' high land. These are two miles asunder, and between them is 
' the best channel into the Gulf -f.' 

The ships sailed into the Gulf through the channel between 
Point Casivina and the Island Mangera. Davis went with two 
canoes before the ships, and landed at a village on the Island 
Mangera. The inhabitants kept at a distance, but a Spanish 
Friar and some Indians were taken, from whom the Buc- 
caneers learnt that there were two Indian towns or villages on 
the Island Amapalla ; upon which information they hastened to 
their canoes, and made for that Island. On coming near, some 
among the inhabitants called out to demand who they were, and 
what they came for. Davis answered by an interpreter, that 

he 



X) ampler, Vol. I, Chap. 5. 



t Ibid. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 153 

he and his men were Biscay ners sent by the King of Spain to chap. 14. 
clear the sea of Pirates ; and that their business in Amapalla ~^~~ 
Bay, was to careen. No other Spaniard than the Padre dwelt j u ]y # 
among these Indians, and only one among the Indians could Coast of 
speak the Spanish language, who served as a kind of Secre- w pain * 
tary to the Padre. The account the Buccaneers gave of Amapalla 
themselves satisfied the natives, and the Secretary said they ^' 

were welcome. The principal town or village of the Island 
Amapalla stood on the top of a hill, and Davis and his men, with 
the Friar at their head, marched thither. 

At each of the towns on Amapalla, and also on Mangera, was 
a handsome built church. The Spanish Padre officiated at all 
three, and gave religious instruction to the natives in their own 
language. The Islands were within the jurisdiction of the 
Governor of the Town of San Miguel, which was at the foot of 
the Mount. ' I observed/ says Dampier, ? in all the Indian 
c towns under the Spanish Government, that the Images of 
' the Virgin Mary, and of other Saints with which all their 
' churches are filled, are painted of an Indian complexion, and 
6 partly in an Indian dress : but in the towns which are inha- 
* bited chiefly by Spaniards, the Saints conform to the Spanish 
4 garb and complexion.' 

The ships anchored near the East side of the Island Amapalla, 
which is the largest of the Islands, in 10 fathoms depth, clean 
hard sand. On other Islands in the Bay were plantations of 
maize, with cattle, fowls, plantains, and abundance of a plum- 
tree common in Jamaica, the fruit of which Dampier calls the 
large hog plum. This fruit is oval, with a large stone and little 
substance about it ; pleasant enough in taste, but he says he 
never saw one of these plums ripe that had not a maggot or 
two in it. 

The Buccaneers helped themselves to cattle from an Island 
in the Bay which was largely stocked, and which they were 

X informed 



154 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 14. informed belonged to a Nunnery. The natives willingly assisted 

1684. them to take the cattle, and were content on receiving small 

Coast of presents for their labour. The Buccaneers had no other service 

ew pain. ^ Q ^ es j re f these natives, and therefore it must have been from 

r 

Amapalla levity and an ambition to give a specimen of their vocation, 
Ba y- more than for any advantage expected, that they planned to 
take the opportunity when the inhabitants should be assembled 
in their church, to shut the church doors upon them, the Buc- 
caneers themselves say, ' to let the Indians know who we 
6 were, and to make a bargain with them/ In executing this 
project, one of the buccaneers being impatient at the leisurely 
movements of the inhabitants, pushed one of them rather 
rudely, to hasten him into the church ; but the contrary effect 
was produced, for the native being frightened, ran away, and 
all the rest taking alarm ' sprang out of the church like deer/ 
As they fled, some of Davis's men fired at them as at an 
enemy, and among other injury committed, the Indian Secre- 
tary was killed. 

Cowley relates their exploits here very briefly, but in the 
style of an accomplished Gazette writer. He says, * We set 
6 sail from Realejo to the Gulf of St. Miguel, where we took 

* two Islands ; one Avas inhabited by Indians, and the other 

* was well stored with cattle/ 

September, Davis and Eaton here broke off consortship. The cause of 
Davis and their separating was an unreasonable claim of Davis's crew, 
Company, who having the stouter and better ship, would not agree that 
Eaton's men should share equally with themselves in the prizes 
taken. Cowley at this time quitted Davis's ship, and entered 
with Eaton, who sailed from the Bay of Amapalla for the Peru- 
vian coast. Davis also sailed the same way on the day following 
(September the 3d), first releasing the Priest of Amapalla; and 
with a feeling of remorse something foreign to his profession, 
by way of atonement to the inhabitants for the annoyance and 

mischief 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 155 

mischief they had sustained from the Buccaneers, he left them chap. 14 . 
one of the prize vessels, with half a cargo of flour. 1684. 

Davis sailed out of the Gulf by the passage between the September. 
Islands Amapalla and Mangera. In the navigation towards the 
coast of Peru, they had the wind from the NNW and West, 
except during tornadoes, of which they had one or more every Tornadoes 

npfiv trip 

day, and whilst they lasted the wind generally blew from the coast of 
South East; but as soon as they were over, the wind settled again New s P am - 
in the NW. Tornadoes are common near the Bay of Panama 
from June to November, and at this time were accompanied 
with much thunder, lightning, and rain. 

When they came to Cape San Francisco, they found settled Cape San 
fair weather, and the wind at South. On the 20th, they 
anchored by the East side of the Island Plata. The 21st, 
Eaton's ship anchored near them. Eaton had been at the Island 
Cocos, and had lodged on shore there 200 packages of flour. 

According to Eaton's description, Cocos Island is encompassed Eaton's 
with rocks, * which make it almost inaccessible except at the ^ Cocos 
' NE end, where there is a small but secure harbour; and a fine Island. 

* brook of fresh water runs there into the sea. The middle of 

* the Island is pretty high, and destitute of trees, but looks 

* green and pleasant with an herb by the Spaniards called 
' Gramadiel. All round the Island by the sea, the land is 

* low, and there cocoa-nut trees grow in great groves.' 

At La Plata they found only one small run of fresh water, Coast of 
which was on the East side of the Island, and trickled slowly 
down from the rocks. The Spaniards had recently destroyed 
the goats here, that they might not serve as provision for the 
pirates. Small sea turtle however were plentiful, as were men- 
of-war birds and boobies. The tide was remarked to run 
strong at this part of the coast, the flood to the South. 

Eaton and his crew would willingly have joined company 
again with Davis, but Davis's men persisted in their unsociable 

x % claim 



156 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



Coast of 

Peru. 

Point 
S ta Elena. 



chap. 14 . claim to larger shares : the two ships therefore, though de* 
1684. signing alike to cruise on the coast of Peru, sailed singly an$ 

September, separately, Eaton on the 2 2d, and Davis on the day following. 
Davis went to Point S ta Elena. On its West side is deep water 
and no anchorage. In the bay on the North side of the Point 
is good anchorage, and about a mile within the Point was a small 
Indian village, the inhabitants of which carried on a trade with 
pitch, and salt made there. The Point S ta Elena is tolerably 
high, and overgrown with thistles ; but the land near it is sandy, 
low, and in parts overflowed, without tree or grass, and without 
fresh water ; but water-melons grew there, large and very sweet. 
When the inhabitants of the village wanted fresh water, they 
were obliged to fetch it from a river called the Colanche, which 
is at the innermost part of the bay, four leagues distant from 
their habitations. The buccaneers landed, and took some 
natives prisoners. A small bark was lying in the bay at anchor, 
the crew of which set fire to and abandoned her; but the 
buccaneers boarded her in time to extinguish the fire. A 
general order had been given by the Viceroy of Peru to all 
ship-masters, that if they should be in danger of being taken 
by pirates, they should set fire to their vessels and betake them- 
selves to their boats. 

The pitch, which was the principal commodity produced at 
S" Elena, was supplied from a hot spring, of which Dampier 
gives the following account. ' Not far from the Indian village, 
' and about five paces within high-water mark, a bituminous 

* matter boils out of a little hole in the earth. It is like thin tar ; 
' the Spaniards call it Algatrane. By much boiling, it becomes 
.' hard like pitch, and is used by the Spaniards instead of pitch. 
' It boils up most at high water, and the inhabitants save it 

* in jars *-.' 
A report was current here among the Spaniards, ' that many 

• years 

# Dampier, Vol. I, Chap. 6. 



Algatrane, a 

bituminous 

Earth. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 157 

c years before, a rich Spanish ship was driven ashore at Point chap. 34. 
4 «S^ Elena, for want of wind to work her; that immediately .1684. 
4 after she struck, she heeled off to seaward, and sunk in seven September. 
4 or eight fathoms water ; and that no one ever attempted to former] 
4 fish for her, because there falls in here a great high sea*/ wrecked on 

Davis landed at a village named Mania, on the main-land s ta Elena. 
about three leagues Eastward of Cape San Lorenzo, and due Manta. 
North of a high conical mountain called Monte Christo. The 
village was on a small ascent, and between it and the sea was a 
spring of good water. ' About a mile and a half from the shore, Sunken 
4 right opposite the village, is a rock which is very dangerous, Rocks 
* because it never appears above water, neither does the sea 
4 break upon it. A mile within the rock is good anchorage in 
4 six, eight or ten fathoms, hard sand and clear ground. A 
4 mile from the road on the West side is a shoal which runs And Shoal. 
4 out a mile into the sea-jV 

The only booty made by landing at Manta, was the taking 
two old women prisoners. From them however, the Buccaneers 
obtained intelligence that many of their fraternity had lately 
crossed the Isthmus from the West Indies, and were at this time 
on the South Sea, without ships, cruising about in canoes ; 
and that it was on this account the Viceroy had given orders 
for the destruction of the goats at the Island Plata. 

Whilst Davis and his men, in the Batchelor's Delight, were October, 
lyino; at the Island Plata, unsettled in their plans by the news ^ avis 1S 

. joined by 

they had received, they were, on October the Sd, joined by other 
the Cygnet, Captain Swan, and by a small bark manned with Buccaneers ' 
a crew of buccaneers, both of which anchored in the road. 

The Cygnet, as before noticed, was fitted out from London The 
for the purpose of trade. She had put in at Baldivia, where Cygnet, 

Captain 
OWan, Swan. 

' * Dumpier, Vol. I, Chap. 6. To search for this wreck with a view to recover 
the treasure in her, was one of the objects of an expedition from England to the 
South Sea, which was made a few years subsequent to this Buccaneer expedition. 
f Dumpier, Vol. I, Chap. 6. 



158 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 34. Swan, seeing the Spaniards suspicious of the visits of strangers, 
1684. gave out that he was bound to the East Indies, and that he had 

October, endeavoured to go by the Cape of Good Hope ; but that meeting 
p^° there with storms and unfavourable winds, and not being able 
to beat round that Cape, he had changed his course and ran for 
the Strait of Magalhanes, to sail by the Pacific Ocean to India. 
This story was too improbable to gain credit. Instead of finding 
a market at Baldivia, the Spaniards there treated him and his 
people as enemies, by which he lost two men and had 
several wounded. He afterwards tried the disposition of the 
Spaniards to trade with him at other places, both in Chili 
and Peru, but no where met encouragement. He proceeded 
Northward for New Spain still with the same view; but near 
the Gulf of Nicoya he fell in with some buccaneers who 
had come over the Isthmus and were in canoes ; and his men 
(Dampier says) forced him to receive them into his ship, and 
he was afterwards prevailed on to join in their pursuits. Swan 
had to plead in his excuse, the hostility of the Spaniards to- 
wards him at Baldivia. These buccaneers with whom Swan 
associated, had for their commander Peter Harris, a nephew 
of the Peter Harris who was killed in battle with the Spa- 
niards in the Pay of Panama, in 168O, when the Buccaneers 
were commanded by Sawkins and Coxon. Swan stipulated 
with them that ten shares of ever}' prize should be set apart 
for the benefit of his owners, and articles to that purport were 
drawn up and signed. Swan retained the command of the 
Cygnet, with a crew increased by a number of the new comers, 
for whose accommodation a large quantity of bulky goods 
belonging to the merchants was thrown into the sea. Harris 
with others of the buccaneers established themselves in a small 
bark they had taken. 

On their meeting with Davis, there was much joy and con- 
gratulation on all sides. They immediately agreed to keep 

together, 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 159 

together, and the separation of Eaton's ship was now much chap. 14. 
regretted. They were still incommoded in Swan's ship for want ^g^ 
of room, therefore (the supercargoes giving consent) whatever October, 
part of the cargo any of the crews desired to purchase, it Coast of 

Peru. 

was sold to them upon trust; and more bulky goods were ^tlsle 
thrown overboard. Iron, of which there was a large quan- de la Plata, 
tity, was kept for ballast ; and the finer goods, as silks, 
muslins, stockings, &c. were saved. Whilst they continued 
at La Plata, Davis kept a small bark out cruising, which 
brought in a ship from Guayaquil, laden with timber, the 
master of which reported that great preparations were making 
at Callao to attack the pirates. This information made a 
re-union with Eaton more earnestly desired, and a small bark 
manned with '20 men was dispatched to search along the coast 
Southward as far as to the Lobos Isles, with an invitation to 
him to join them again. The ships in the mean time followed 
leisurely in the same direction. 

On the 30th, they were off the Cape Blanco which is between cape Blanco, 
Payta and the Bay of Guayaquil. Southerly winds prevail along „ near ., 
the coast of Peru and Chili much the greater part of the year; c ]|^ cu ] t to 
and Dampier remarks of this Cape Blanco, that it was reckoned weather. 
the most difficult to weather of any headland along the coast, 
the wind generally blowing strong from SSW or S bW, without 
being altered, as at other parts of the coast, by the land winds. 
Yet it was held necessary here to beat up close in with the shore, 
because (according to the accounts of Spanish seamen) ' on 
' standing out to sea, a current is found setting NW, which 

* will carry a ship farther offshore in two hours, than she can 

* run in again in five.' 

November the 3d, the Buccaneers landed at Payta without November, 
opposition, the town being abandoned to them. They found 
nothing of value, 'not so much as a meal of victuals being 

left 



160 BUCCANEERS OT AMERICA 

chap. 14. left them/ The Governor would not pay ransom for the town, 

5684. though he fed the Buccaneers with hopes till the sixth day, 

November, when they set it on fire. 

Payta At most of the towns on the coast of Peru, the houses are 

built with bricks made of earth and straw kneaded together 

and dried in the sun; many houses have no roof other than 

mats laid upon rafters, for it never rains, and they endeavour 

to fence only from the sun. From the want of moisture, great 

part of the country near the coast will not produce timber, 

and most of the stone they have, i is so brittle that any one 

may rub it into sand with their finger/ 

Payta had neither wood nor water, except what was carried 

thither. The water was procured from a river about two 

leagues NNE of the town, where was a small Indian village 

Part of the called Colan. Dampier says, 'this dry country commences 

P Coast n ' Northward about Cape Blanco (in about 4° S latitude) whence 

where it « it reaches to latitude 30° S, in which extent they have no 

l rain that I could ever observe or hear of/ In the Southern 

part of this tract however (according to Wafer) they have great 
dews in the night, by which the vallies are rendered fertile, and 
are well furnished with vegetables. 

Eaton had been at Payta, where he burnt a large ship in the 
road, but did not land. He put on shore there all his pri- 
soners ; from which circumstance it was conjectured that he 
purposed to sail immediately for the East Indies; and such 
proved to be the fact. 

The vessel commanded by Harris, sailed badly, and was 

therefore quitted and burnt. On the 1 4th, the other Buccaneer 

Lobos de vessels, under Davis, anchored near the NE end of Lobos cle 

HP" 

Tierra, in four fathoms depth. They took here penguins, 



Lobos de la boobies, and seals. On the 19th, they were at Lobos de la Mar, 

arch of 
Eaton, 



where they found a letter left by the bark sent in search of 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 161 

Eaton, which gave information that he had entirely departed chap. 14 . 

from the American coast. The bark had sailed for the Island 1684. 

Flata expecting to rejoin the ships there. 

Eaton in his route to the East Indies stopped at Guahan, one Eaton sails 

of the Ladrone Islands, where himself and his crew acted towards East Indies- 

the native Islanders with the utmost barbarity, which Cowley Stops at the 
, . . r Ladrones, 

relates as a subject ot merriment. 

On their first arrival at Guahan, Eaton sent a boat on shore 
to procure refreshments ; but the natives kept at a distance, 
believing his ship to be one of the Manila galeons, and his 
people Spaniards. Eaton's men served themselves with cocoa- 
nuts, but finding difficulty in climbing, they cut the trees down 
to get at the fruit. The next time their boat went to the shore, 
the Islanders attacked her, but were easily repulsed, and a 
number of them killed. By this time the Spanish Governor 
was arrived at the part of the Island near which the ship had 
anchored, and sent a letter addressed to her Commander, 
written in four different languages, to wit, in Spanish, French, 
Dutch, and Latin, to demand of what country she was, and 
whence she came. Cowley says, ' Our Captain, thinking the 
4 French would be welcomer than the English, returned 
6 answer we were French, fitted out by private merchants to 
' make fuller discovery of the world. The Governor on this, 
' invited the Captain to the shore, and at their first conference, 

* the Captain told him that the Indians had fallen upon his men, 
' and that we had killed some of them. He wished we had 

* killed them all, and told us of their rebellion, that they had 
1 killed eight Fathers, of sixteen which were in a convent. He 
6 gave us leave to kill and take whatever we could find on one 
4 half of the Island where the rebels lived. We then made wars 
6 with these infidels, and went on shore every day, fetching pro- 
' visions, and firing upon them wherever we saw them, so that 

Y * the 



162 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 14. 8 the greatest part of them left the Island. The Indians sent 
1684. * two of their captains to us to treat of peace, but we would 
' not treat with them*/—' The whole land is a garden. 
' The Governor was the same man who detained Sir John 
' Narbrough's Lieutenant at Baldivia. Our Captain supplied 
4 him with four barrels of gunpowder, and arms/ 

Josef de Quiroga was at this time Governor at Guahan, 
who afterwards conquered and unpeopled all the Northern 
Islands of the Ladrones. Eaton's crew took some of the 
Islanders prisoners. : three of them jumped overboard to en- 
deavour to escape. It was easy to retake them, as they had 
been bound with their hands behind them ; but Eaton's men 
pursued them with the determined purpose to kill them, 
which they did in mere wantonness of sport -f-. At another 
time, when they had so far come to an accommodation with 
the Islanders as to admit of their approach, the ship's boat 
being on shore fishing with the seine, some natives in canoes 
near her were suspected of intending mischief. Cowley relates* 
' our people that were in the boat let go in amongst the 
* thickest of them, and killed a great many of their number/ It 
is possible that thus much might have been necessary for 
safety ; but Cowley proceeds, ' the others, seeing their mates 
' fall, ran. away. Our other men which were on shore, meeting 
1 them, saluted them also by making holes in their hides/ 

From the Ladrones Eaton sailed to the North of Luconia, and 
passed through among the Islands which were afterwards named 
by Dampier the Bashee Islands. The account given by Cowley 
is as follows : ' There being half a point East variation, till we 
' came to latitude 20° 30' N, where we fell in with a parcel of 
' Islands lying to the Northward of Luconia. On the 23d day 

< of 

* Manuscript Journal hi the Shane Collection. 

•f See Cozeleg's Voyage, p. 34. Also,. Vol. III. of South Sea Discoveries, p. 305. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 163 

* of April, we sailed through between the second and third chap. 14. 

* of the Northernmost of them. We met with a very strong ^84. 

? current, like the Race of Portland. At the third of the Nutmeg 

I q I r\ *-* fi 

* Northernmost Islands, we sent our boat on shore, where they North of 
' found abundance of nutmegs growing, but no people. They Luconia. 
i observed abundance of rocks and foul ground near the shore, 

* and saw many goats upon the Island.' 

Cowley concludes the narrative of his voyage with saying 
that he arrived home safe to England through the infinite 
mercy of God. 

To return to Edward Davis : At Lobos de la Mar, the Mosquito Coast of 
Indians struck as much turtle as served all the crews. Shortly J; e ™' 

J Davis 

after, Davis made an attempt to surprise Guayaquil, which attempts 

miscarried through the cowardice of one of his men, and the ua ^ a( l ul1 - 

coldness of Swan to the enterprise. In the Bay of Guayaquil 

they captured four vessels ; one of them laden with woollen 

cloth of Quito manufacture; the other three were ships coming slave Ships 

out of the River of Guayaquil with cargoes of Negroes. captured. 

The number of Negroes in these vessels was a thousand, from 
among which Davis and Swan chose each about fifteen, and 
let the vessels go. Dampier entertained on this occasion dif- 
ferent views from his companions. ' Never,' says he, 4 was put 

* into the hands of men a greater opportunity to enrich them- 
4 selves. We had 1000 Negroes, all lusty young men and 
' women, and we had 200 tons of flour stored up at the 

4 Galapagos Islands. With these Negroes we might have gone 

* and settled at Santa Maria on the Isthmus of Darien, and 

5 have employed them in getting gold out of the mines there. 

6 All the Indians living in that neighbourhood were mortal 
f enemies to the Spaniards, were flushed by successes against 

* them, and for several years had been the fast friends of the 

* privateers. Add to which, we should have had the North 

y 2 « Sea 



164 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 14. 



1684. 

December. 

Coast of 
Peru. 



Description 

of the 
Harbour of 
Guayaquil. 



Island 

S ta Clara. 

Shoals 

near its 

North Side 



* Sea open to us, and in a short time should have received 

* assistance from all parts of the West Indies. Many thousand^ 
4 of Buccaneers from Jamaica and the French Islands would 

* have flocked to us; and we should have been an overmatch 

* for all the force the Spaniards could have brought out of 
4 Peru against us/ 

The proposal to employ slaves in the mines leaves no cause 
to regret that Dampier's plan was not adopted ; but that was 
probably not an objection with his companions. They natu- 
rally shrunk from an attempt which in the execution would 
have required a regularity and order to which they were unac- 
customed, and not at all affected. 

The Harbour of Guayaquil is the best formed port in Peru. 
In the river, three or four miles short of the town, stands a low 
Island about a mile long, on either side of which is a fair 
channel to pass up or down. The Western Channel is the 
widest: the other is as deep. 'From the upper part of the 
4 Island to the town is about a league, and it is near as much 

* from one side of the river to the other. In that spacious place 

* ships of the greatest burthen may ride afloat ; but the best 
4 place for ships is near that part of the land on which the 

* town stands. The country here is subject to great rains and 
4 thick fogs, which render it very unwholesome and sickly, in 
4 the vallies especially ; Guayaquil however is not so unhealthy 
4 as Quito and other towns inland ; but the Northern part of 
4 Peru pays for the dry weather which they have about Lima 
4 and to the Southward/ 

4 Ships bound into the river of Guayaquil pass on the South 
4 side of the Island Santa Clara to avoid shoals which are on 
4 the North side, whereon formerly ships have been wrecked. 
4 A rich wreck lay on the North side of Santa Clara not far from 
4 the Island, and some plate which was in her was taken up : 

4 more 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. \46 

* more might have been saved but for the cat-fish which swarm chap. 14. 

* hereabouts. x q 8 . 

' The Cat-fish is much like a whiting ; but the head is flatter December. 

* and bigger. It has a wide mouth, and certain small strings p st 

4 pointing out on each side of it like cats' whiskers. It hath catFish. 
' three fins ; one on the back, and one on either side. Each of 
4 these fins hath a sharp bone which is very venemous if it 

* strikes into a man's flesh. Some of the Indians that adven- 
4 tured to search this wreck lost their lives, and others the use 

* of their limbs, by these fins. Some of the cat-fish weigh seven 
4 or eight pounds ; and in some places there are cat-fish which 
4 are none of them bigger than a man's thumb ; but their fins 
4 are all alike venemous. They are most generally at the 

* mouths of rivers (in the hot latitudes) or where there is much 
4 mud and ooze. The bones in their bodies are not venemous, 
4 and we never perceived any bad effect in eating the fish> 
' which is very sweet and wholesome meat *.' 

The 1 3th, Davis and Swan with their prizes sailed from the 
Bay of Guayaquil to the Island Plata, and found there the bark 
which had been in quest of Eaton's ship. 

From Plata, they sailed Northward towards the Bay of 
Panama, landing at the villages along the coast to seek provi- 
sions. They were ill provided with boats, which exposed them 
to danger in making descents, by their not being able to land 
or bring off many men at one time ; and they judged that the 
best places for getting their wants in this respect supplied would 
be in rivers of the Continent, in which the Spaniards had no 
settlement, where from the native inhabitants they might 
obtain canoes by traffic or purchase, if not otherwise. Dampier 
remarks that there were many such unfrequented rivers in the 
Continent to the Northward of the Isle de la Plata ; and that 

from 



* Dampier, Vol. I, Chap. 6. 



166 -BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 14 . from the Equinoctial to the Gulf de San Miguel in the Bay of 

1684. Panama, which is above eight degrees of latitude, the coast was 

December, not inhabited by the Spaniards, nor were the Indians who lived 

Coast of there in any manner under their subjection, except at one part 

near the Island Gallo, ' where on the banks of a Gold River 

8 or two, some Spaniards had settled to find gold.' 

The Land The land by the sea-coast to the North of Cape San Francisco 

ofCa Z San * s ^ ow anc ^ extremely woody ; the trees are of extraordinary 

Francisco, height and bigness ; and in this part of the coast are large and 

The Cotton navigable rivers. The white cotton-tree, which bears a very 

Cabba e ^ ne sort °^ cotton > called silk cotton, is the largest tree in these 

Tree. woods ; and the cabbage-tree is the tallest. Dampier has 

given full descriptions of both. He measured a cabbage-tree 

1 20 feet in length, and some were longer. ' It has no limbs nor 

* boughs except at the head, where there are branches some- 
f thing bigger than a man's arm. The cabbage-fruit shoots out 
' in the midst of these branches, invested or folded in leaves, 

* and is as big as the small of a man's leg, and a foot long. It 

* is white as milk, and sweet as a nut if eaten raw, and is very 
1 sweet and wholesome if boiled/ 

River of The Buccaneers entered a river with their boats, in or near 
ago * latitude 2° N, which Dampier, from some Spanish pilot-book, 
calls the River of St.Jago. It was navigable some leagues 
within the entrance, and seems to be the river marked with the 
name Vatia in the late Spanish charts, a name which has allu- 
sion to spreading branches. 

Davis's men went six leagues up the river without seeing 
habitation or people. They then came in sight of two small 
huts, the inhabitants of which hurried into canoes with their 
household-stuff, and paddled upwards against the stream faster 
than they could be pursued. More houses were seen higher up ; 
but the stream ran here so swift, that the Buccaneers would not 

be 



! IN THE SOUTH SEA. 167 

be at the labour of proceeding. They found in the two deserted chap. 14. 
huts, a hog, some fowls and plantains, which they dressed on ^84. 
the spot, and after their meal returned to the ships, which w r ere December, 
at the Island Gallo. c ° ast of 

.Peru. 

4 The Island Gallo is clothed with timber, and here was a island 

* spring of good water at the NE end, with good landing in a Gallo « 

* small sandy bay, and secure riding in six or seven fathoms 
'depth*.' 

They entered with their boats another large river, called the Rj ve r 
Tomaco, the entrance of which is but three leagues from the Tomaco - 
Island Gallo. This river was shoal at the mouth, and navigable 
for small vessels only. A little within, was a village called^ 
Tomaco, some of the inhabitants of which they took prisoners, 
and carried off a dozen jars of good wine. 

On the 1st of January, they took a packet-boat bound for 1685. 
Lima, which the President of Panama had dispatched to hasten J anua, J- 
the sailing of the Plate Pleet from Callao; the treasure sent 
from Peru and Chili to Old Spain being usually first collected 
at Panama^ and thence transported on mules to Portobello. 
The Buccaneers judged that the Pearl Islands in the Pay of 
Panama would be the best station they could occupy for inter- 
cepting ships from Lima. 

On the 7th, they left Gallo, and pursued their course North- 
ward. An example occurs here of Buccaneer order and disci- 
pline. '. We weighed,' says Dampier, ' before day, and all got 
' out of the road except Captain Swan's tender, which never 
6 budged ; for the men were all asleep when we went out, and 
4 the tide of flood coming on before they awoke, we were forced 

* to stay for them till the following tide.' 

On the 8 th, they took a vessel laden with flour. The next Island 
day they anchored on the West side of the Island Gorgona, in " or S ona * 

38 fathoms 
* Dampier. 



168 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 14- 



1685. 

January. 



Pearl 
Oysters. 



38 fathoms depth clear ground, a quarter of a mile from the 
shore. Gorgona was uninhabited ; and like Gallo covered with 
trees. It is pretty high, and remarkable by two saddles, or 
risings and fallings on the top. It is about two leagues long, 
one broad, and is four leagues distant from the mainland. It 
was well watered at this time with small brooks issuing from 
the high land. At its West end is another small Island. The 
tide rises and falls seven or eight feet ; and at low water shell- 
fish, as periwinkles, muscles, and oysters, may be taken. At 
Gorgona were small black monkeys. ' When the tide was out, 
' the monkeys would come down to the sea-shore for shell- 

* fish. Their way was to take up an oyster and lay it upon a 
4 stone, and with another stone to keep beating of it till they 
' broke the shell *." The pearl oyster was here in great plenty : 
they are flatter than other oysters, are slimy, and taste cop- 
perish if eaten raw, but were thought good when boiled. The 
Indians and Spaniards hang the meat of them on strings to 
dry. * The pearl is found at the head of the oyster, between 

* the meat and the shell. Some have 20 or 30 small seed- 
' pearl, some none at all, and some one or two pretty large 

* pearls. The inside of the shell is more glorious than the 
' pearl itself -f/ 

They put some of their prisoners on shore at Gorgona, and 
sailed thence on the 13th, being six sail in company ; that is to 
say, Davis's ship, Swan's ship, three tenders, and their last prize. 
The 21st, they arrived in the Bay of Panama, and anchored at 
Galera Isle, a small low and barren Island named Galera. 

On the 25th, they went from Galera to one of the Southern 
Pearl Islands, where they lay the ships aground to clean, the 
rise and fall of the sea at the spring tides being ten feet per- 
pendicular. The small barks were kept out cruising, and on 

the 



Bay of 
Panama. 



* Wafer's Voyages, p. 196. 



•f Dumpier, Vol. I, Chap. 7. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 169 

the 31st, they brought in a vessel bound for Panama from chap. 14 . 
Lavelia, a town on the West side of the Bay, laden with ^85. 
Indian corn, salt beef, and fowls. January. 

Notwithstanding it had been long reported that a fleet was Bay of 
fitting out in Peru to clear the South Sea of pirates, the small 
force under Davis, Swan, and Harris, amounting to little more 
than 250 men, remained several weeks in uninterrupted pos- 
session of the Bay of Panama, blocking up access to the city by 
sea, supplying themselves with provisions from the Islands, and 
plundering whatsoever came in their way. 

The Pearl Islands are woody, and the soil rich. They are cul- The Pearl 
tivated with plantations of rice, plantains, and bananas, for the s an s ' 
support of the City of Panama. Dampier says, ' Why they 
' are called the Pearl Islands I cannot imagine, for I did never 
' see one pearl oyster about them, but of other oysters many. 
4 It is very pleasant sailing here, having the mainland on one 
4 side, which appears in divers forms, beautified with small hills 
' clothed with woods always green and flourishing ; and on the 
' other side, the Pearl Islands, which also make a lovely pros- 
1 pect as you sail by them/ 

The Buccaneers went daily in their canoes among the dif- 
ferent Islands, to fish, fowl, or hunt for guanoes. One man 
so employed and straggling from his party, was surprised by 
the Spaniards, and carried to Panama. 

In the middle of February, Davis, who appears to have February, 
always directed their movements as the chief in command, 
went with his ships and anchored near the City of Panama. 
He negociated with the Governor an exchange of prisoners, and 
was glad by the release of forty Spaniards to obtain the deli- 
verance of two Buccaneers ; one of them the straggler just 
mentioned ; the other, one of Harris's men. 

A short time after this exchange, as the Buccaneer ships 

Z were 



170 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 14, 

' „ ' 

1685. 

March. 

Bay of 
Panama. 



Arrival of 
fresh 

bodies of 
Buccaneers 

from the 
West Indies. 



Grogniet 

and 
L'Escuyer. 



were at anchor near the Island Taboga, which is about four 
leagues to the South of Panama, they were visited by a Spaniard 
in a canoe, who pretended he was a merchant and wanted to 
traffic with them privately. He proposed to come off to the ships 
in the night with a small vessel laden with such goods as the 
Buccaneers desired to purchase. This was agreed to, and he 
came with his vessel when it was dark ; but instead of a cargo 
of goods, she was fitted up as a fire-ship with combustibles. 
The Buccaneers had suspected his intention and were on their 
guard ; but to ward off the mischief, were obliged to cut from 
their anchors and set sail. 

In the morning they returned to their anchorage, which they 
had scarcely regained when a fresh cause of alarm occurred. 
Dampier relates, ' We were striving to recover the anchors we 
6 had parted from, but the buoy-ropes, being rotten, broke, 
6 and whilst we were puzzling about our anchors, we saw a 
' great many canoes full of men pass between the Island 
i Taboga and another Island, which at first put us into a new 
' consternation. We lay still some time, till we saw they made 
' directly towards us; upon which we weighed and stood 
4 towards them. When we came within hail, we found that they 
* were English and French privateers just come from the North 
6 Sea over the Isthmus of Darien. We presently came to an 
4 anchor again, and all the canoes came on board/ 

This new arrival of Buccaneers to the South Sea consisted of 
200 Frenchmen and 80 Englishmen, commanded by two French- 
men named Grogniet and L'Escuyer. Grogniet had a com- 
mission to war on the Spaniards from a French West-India 
Governor. The Englishmen of this party upon joining Davis, 
were received into the ships of their countrymen, and the 
largest of the prize vessels, which was a ship named the 
San Rosario, was given to the Frenchmen. 

From 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 



171 



From these new confederates it was learnt, that another chap. 14^ 



party, consisting of 180 Buccaneers, commanded by an 
Englishman named Towniey, had crossed the Isthmus, and 
were building canoes in the Gulf de San Miguel, on which 
intelligence, it was determined to sail to that Gulf, that the 
whole buccaneer force in this sea might be joined. Grogniet in 
return for the ship given to the French Buccaneers, offered to 
Davis and Swan new commissions from the Governor of Petit 
Goave, by whom he had been furnished with spare commissions 
with blanks, to be filled up and disposed of at his own discre- 
tion. Davis accepted Grogniet's present, ' having before only 
4 an old commission which had belonged to Captain Tristian, 
* and which, being found in Tristian's ship when she was car- 
4 ried off by Cook, had devolved as an inheritance to Davis/ 
The commissions which, by whatever means, the Buccaneers 
procured, were not much protection in the event of their 
falling into the hands of the Spaniards, unless the nation of 
which the Buccaneer was a native happened to be then at 
war with Spain. Instances were not uncommon in the West 
Indies of the Spaniards hanging up their buccaneer prisoners 
with their commissions about their necks. But the commis- 
sions were allowed to be valid in the ports of other powers. 
Swan however refused the one offered him, and rested his 
justification on the orders he had received from the Duke of 
York; in which he was directed, neither to give offence to the 
Spaniards, nor to submit to receive affront from them : they had 
done him injury in killing his men at Baldivia, and he held his 
orders to be a lawful commission to do himself right. 

On the 3d of March, as they approached the Gulf de 
San Miguel to meet the Buccaneers under Towniey, they 
were again surprised by seeing two ships standing towards 
them. These proved to be Towniey and his men, in two prizes 

z 2 they 



1685. 

February. 

Bay of 
Panama. 



March. 

Towniey 

and his 

Crew. 



172 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

t eHAP - 14 ; they had already taken, one laden with flour, the other with 

1685. wine, brandy, and sugar; both designed for Panama. The wine 

March, came from Pisco, « which place is famous for wine, and was 

Panama. ' contained in jars of seven or eight gallons each. Ships which 

p isco ' lade at Pisco stow the jars one tier on the top of another, so 

Wine. « artificially that we could hardly do the like without breaking 

* them : yet they often carry in this manner 1500 or 2000, or 

' more, in a ship, and seldom break one/ 

On this junction of the Buccaneers, they went altogether to 
the Pearl Islands to make arrangements, and to fit their prize 
vessels as well as circumstances would admit, for their new 
occupation. Among the preparations necessary to their equip- 
ment, it was not the last which occurred, that the jars from 
Pisco were wanted to contain their sea stock of fresh water ; for 
which service they were in a short time rendered competent. 

The 10th, they took a small bark in ballast, from Guayaquil. 
On the lath, some Indians in a canoe came out of the River 
Santa Maria, purposely to inform them that a large body of 
English and French Buccaneers were then on their march over 
the 1st hmus from the North Sea. This was not all ; for on the 
1 5 th, one of the small barks which were kept out cruising, fell in 
with a vessel in which were six Englishmen, who were part of 
a crew of Buccaneers that had been six months in the South 
Sea, under the command of a William Knight. These six men 
had been sent in a canoe in chase of a vessel, which they 
came up with and took; but they had chased out of sight 
of their own ship, and could not afterwards find her. Davis 
gave the command of this vessel to Harris, who took possession 
of her with a crew of his own followers, and he was sent to the 
River Santa Maria to look for the buccaneers, of whose coming 
the Indians had given information. 

This was the latter part of the dry season in the Bay of 

. . Panama* 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 

Panama. Hitherto fresh water had been found in plenty at 
the Pearl Islands ; but the springs and rivulets were now 
dried up. The Buccaneers examined within Point Garachina, 
but found no fresh water. They searched along the coast 
Southward, and on the !25th, at a narrow opening in the main- 
land with two small rocky Islands before it, about seven leagues 
distant from Point Garachina, which Dampier supposed to be 
Port de Pinas, they found a stream of good water which ran 
into the sea ; but the harbour was open to the SW, and a swell 
set in, which rendered watering there difficult and hazardous : 
the fleet (for they were nine sail in company) therefore stood 
for the Island Taboga, ' where/ says Dampier, ' we were sure 
4 to find a supply/ 

Their boats being sent before the ships, came unexpectedly 
upon some of the inhabitants of Panama who were loading a 
canoe with plantains, and took them prisoners. One among 
these, a Mulatto, had the imprudence to say he was in the fire- 
ship which had been sent in the night to burn the Buccaneer 
ships ; upon which, the Buccaneers immediately hanged him. 

They had chocolate, but no sugar; and all the kettles they 
possessed, constantly kept boiling, were not sufficient to dress 
victuals for so many men. Whilst the ships lay at Taboga, a 
detachment was sent to a sugar-work on the mainland, from 
which they returned with sugar and three coppers. 

On the llth of April, they went from Tabogo to the Pearl 
Islands, and were there joined by the Flibustiers and Bucca- 
neers of whose coming they had been last apprised, consisting 
of 264 men, commanded by Frenchmen named Rose, Le 
Picaid, and Des-marais. Le Pi card was a veteran who had 
served under Lolonois and Morgan. In this party came 
Raveneau de Lussan, whose Journal is said to be the only one 
kept by m\y of the French who were in tins expedition. 

Lussan's 



173 

CHAP 14. 

1 ' 

1685. 

March. 

Bay of 
Panama. 



Port de 
Pinas. 

25th. 



Taboga 

Isle. 



April. 



More 
iucca.ieers 
arrive. 



174 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 14 . Lussan's Narrative is written with much misplaced gaiety, 

v ■ ' 

1685. which comes early into notice, and shews him to have been, 
April, even whilst 3'oung and unpractised in the occupation of a Buc- 
Bay of caneer, of a disposition delighting in cruelty. In the account 
of his journey overland from the West Indies, he relates 
instances which he witnessed of the great dexterity of the 
monkeys which inhabited the forests, and among others the 
following: c Je ne puis me souvenir sans rire de faction queje vis 
c faire a un de ces animaux, auquel apres avoir tirS plusieurs coups 
1 de fusil qui lui emportoient une par tie du venire, en sorte que 
' toutes ses tripes sortoient ; je le vis se tenir d'une de ses pates, ou 
' mains si Von veut, a une branche dHarbre, tandis que de l' autre il 
' ramassoit ses intestins qu'il se refouroit dans ce qui lui restoii de 
' ventre *.' 

Ambrose Cowley and Ravenean de Lussan are well matched 
for comparison, alike not only in their dispositions, but in 
their conceptions, which made them imagine the recital of 
such actions would be read with delight. 

The Buccaneers in the Bay of Panama were now nearly a thou- 
sand strong, and they held a consultation whether or not they 
should attack the city. They had just before learnt from an 
intercepted packet that the Lima Fleet was at sea, richly charged 
with treasure; and that it was composed of all the naval force 
the Spaniards in Peru had been able to collect : it was therefore 
agreed not to attempt the city at the present, but to wait 
patiently the arrival of the Spanish fleet, and give it battle. 
The only enterprise they undertook on the main-land in the 
Chepo. mean time, was against the town of Chepo, where they found 
neither opposition nor plunder. 

The small Island Chepillo near the mouth of the river which 
leads to Chepo, Dampier reckoned the most pleasant of all the 

Islands 
# Journal du Voyage au Mer du Slid, par Rav. de Lussan, p. 25. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 175 

Islands in the Pay of Panama. 'It is low on the North side, chap. 14 . 
' and rises by a small ascent towards the South side. The soil 16%$. 
' is yellow, a kind of clay. The low land is planted with all April. 
6 sorts of delicate fruits.' The Islands in the Bay being occu- Ba y or " 

— rimiTlJI 

pied by the Buccaneers, caused great scarcity of provision 
and distress at Panama, much of the consumption in that city 
having usually been supplied from the Islands, which on that 
account and for their pleasantness were called the Gardens 
of Panama. 

In this situation things remained till near the end of May, 
the Buccaneers in daily expectation of seeing the fleet from 
Lima, of which it is now time to speak. 



176 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. XV. 

Edward Davis Commander. Meeting of the Spanish and Bucca- 
neer Fleets in the Bay of Panama. They separate without 
fighting. The Buccaneers sail to the Island Quibo. The English 
and French separate. Expedition against the City of Leon. 
That City and Ria Lexa burnt. Farther dispersion of the 
Buccaneers. 

chap. 15 . HP HE Viceroy of Peru judged the Fleet he had collected, to 

16S5. De strong enough to encounter the Buccaneers, and did 

May. not fear to trust the treasure to its protection ; but he gave 

Bay of directions to the Commander of the Fleet to endeavour to 

avoid a meeting with them until after the treasure should be 

safely landed. In pursuance of this plan, the Spanish Admiral, 

as he drew near the Bay of Pa?iama, kept more Westward than 

the usual course, and fell in with the coast of Veragua to the 

The West of the Punta Mala. Afterwards, he entered the Bay with 

Lima Fleet ]^ s f[ ee ^ k ee pj n oj close to the West shore ; and to place the 

arrives at f s> r 

Panama, treasure out of danger as soon as possible, he landed it at 
Lavelia, thinking it most probable his fleet would be descried 
by the enemy before he could reach Panama, which must have 
happened if the weather had not been thick, or if the Bucca- 
neers had kept a sharper look-out by stationing tenders across 
the entrance of the Bay. In consequence of this being neglected, 
the Spanish fleet arrived and anchored before the city of 
Panama without having been perceived by them, and imme- 
diately on their arrival, the crews of the ships were reinforced 
with a number of European seamen who had purposely been 
sent over land from Porto Bello. Thus strengthened, and the 

treasure 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 177 

treasure being placed out of danger, the Spanish Admiral took chai>. 15. 
up his anchors, and stood from the road before Panama towards 1685. 
the middle of the Bay, in quest of the Buccaneers. Ma 7- 

May the 28th, the morning was rainy : the Buccaneer fleet p a *^ a> 
was lying at anchor near the Island Pacheca, the Northernmost 2 8th. 
of the Pearl Islands. At eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the 
weather cleared up, when the Spanish fleet appeared in sight 
about three leagues distant from them to the WNW. The wind 
was light from the Southward, and they were standing sharp 
trimmed towards the Buccaneers. 

Lussan dates this their meeting with the Spanish Fleet, to be Meeting of 
on June the 7th. Ten days alteration of the style had taken Fleets? 
place in France three years before, and no alteration of style 
had yet been adopted in England. 

The Buccaneer fleet was composed of ten sail of vessels, of Force of 
different sizes, manned with 960 men, almost all Europeans ; Buccaneer* 
but, excepting the Batchelor's Delight and the Cygnet, none of 
their vessels had cannon. Edward Davis was regarded as the 
Admiral. His ship mounted 36 guns, and had a crew of 156 
men, most of them English ; but as he was furnished with a 
French commission, and France was still at war with Spain, he 
carried aloft a white flag, in which was painted a hand and sword, 
Swan's ship had 16 guns, with a crew of 140 men, all English, 
and carried a Saint George's flag at her main-topmast head. 
The rest of their fleet was well provided with small-arms, and 
the crews were dexterous in the use of them. Grogniet's ship 
was the most powerful, except in cannon, her crew consisting 
of 308 men. 

The Spanish fleet numbered fourteen sail, six of which were Force of the 
provided with cannon ; six others with musketry only, and Fleet, 
two were fitted up as fire-ships. The buccaneer accounts say the 
Spanish Admiral had 48 guns mounted, and 450 men ; the Vice- 

A a . Admiral 



176 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 15 . Admiral 40 guns, and men in proportion ; the Rear-Admiral 
1685. 36 guns, one of the other ships 24, one 18, and one 8 guns; 
May. and that the number of men in their fleet was above 2500 ; 
Bay of k u t more than one half of them Indians or slaves. 

When the two fleets first had sight of each other, Grogniet's 
ship lay at anchor a mile to leeward of his confederates, on 
which account he weighed anchor, and stood close upon a 
wind to the Eastward, intending to turn up to the other ships; 
but in endeavouring to tack, he missed stays twice, which kepi 
him at a distance all the fore part of the day. From the supe- 
riority of the Spaniards in cannon, and of the buccaneer crews 
in musketry, it was evident that distant fighting was most to 
the advantage of the Spaniards ; and that the Buccaneers had 
to rest their hopes of success on close fighting and boarding. 
Davis was fully of this opinion, and at three o'clock in the 
afternoon, the enemy's fleet being directly to leeward and not 
far distant, he got his vessels under sail and bore right down 
upon them, making a signal at the same time to Grogniet 
to board the Spanish Vice- Admiral, who was some distance 
separate from the other ships of his fleet. 

Here may be contemplated the Buccaneers at the highest 
pitch of elevation to which they at any time attained. If they 
obtained the victory, it would give them the sole dominion of 
the South Sea ; and Davis, the buccaneer Commander, aimed 
at no less ; but he was ill seconded, and was not possessed of 
authority to enforce obedience to his commands. 

The order given to. Grogniet was not put in execution, and 
when Davis had arrived with his ship within cannon-shot of the 
Spaniards, Swan shortened sail and lowered his ensign, to 
signify he was of opinion that it would be best to postpone 
fighting till the next day. Davis wanting the support of two 
of the most able ships of his fleet, was obliged to forego his 

intention, 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 179 

intention, and no act of hostility passed during the afternoon chap. 15 . 
and evening except the exchange of some shot between his own ^85. 
ship and that of the Spanish Vice- Admiral. May. 

When it was dark, the Spanish fleet anchored, and at the same Ba y of 
time, the Spanish Admiral took in his light, and ordered a light 
to be shewn from one of his small vessels, which he sent to lee- 
ward. The Buccaneers were deceived by this artifice, believing 
the light they saw to be that of the Spanish Admiral, and they 
continued under sail, thinking themselves secure of the weather- 
gage. At daylight the next morning the Spaniards were 29th. 
seen well collected, whilst the buccaneer vessels were much 
dispersed. Grogniet and Townley were to windward of the 
Spaniards ; but all the rest, contrary to what they had expected, 
were to leeward. At sunrise, the Spanish fleet got under 
sail and bore down towards the leeward buccaneer ships. 
The Buccaneers thought it not prudent to fight under such 
disadvantages, and did not wait to receive them. They were 
near the small Island Pacheca, on the South side of which 
are some Islands yet smaller. Among these Islands, Dampier 
says, is a narrow channel in one part not forty feet wide. 
Townley, being pressed by the Spaniards and in danger of 
being intercepted, pushed for this passage without any pre- 
vious examination of the depth of water, and got safe through. 
Davis and Swan, whose ships were the fastest sailing in either 
fleet, had the credit of affording protection to their flying 
companions, by waiting to repulse the most advanced of the 
Spaniards. Dampier, who was in Davis's ship, says, she was 
pressed upon by the whole Spanish force. * The Spanish 

* Admiral and the rest of his sqadron began to play at us and 

* we at them as fast as we could : yet they kept at distant 
' cannonading. They might have laid us aboard if they would, 
' but they came not within small-arms shot, intending to maul 

a a 2 'us 



180 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 15. 

» v ' 

1685. 

May. 

Bay of 
Panama. 

30th. 



The two 

Fleets 

separate* 



' us in pieces with their great guns/ After a circuitous chace 
and running fight, which lasted till the evening, the Buccaneers, 
Harris's ship excepted, which had been forced to make off in a 
different direction, anchored by the Island Pacheca, nearly in 
the same spot whence they had set out in the morning. 

On the 30th, at daylight, the Spanish fleet was seen at anchor 
three leagues to leeward. The breeze was faint, and both fleets lay 
quiet till ten o'clock in the forenoon. The wind then freshened 
a little from the South, and the Spaniards took up their 
anchors; but instead of making towards the Buccaneers, they 
sailed away in a disgraceful manner for Panama. Whether they 
sustained any loss in this skirmishing does not appear. The 
Buccaneers had only one man killed outright. In Davis's ship, 
six men were wounded, and half of her rudder was shot away. 

It might seem to those little acquainted with the management 
of ships that it could make no material difference whether 
the Spaniards bore down to engage the Buccaneers, or the 
Buccaneers bore down to engage the Spaniards ; for that 
in either case when the fleets were closed, the Buccaneers 
might have tried the event of boarding. But the difference 
here was, that if the Buccaneers had the weather-gage, it 
enabled them to close with the enemy in the most speedy 
manner, which was of much consequence where the disparity in 
the number of cannon was so great. When the Spaniards had the 
weather-gage, they would press the approach only near enough 
to give effect to their cannon, and not near enough for musketry 
to do them mischief. With this view, they could choose their 
distance when to stop and bring their broadsides to bear, and 
leave to the Buccaneers the trouble of making nearer approach, 
against the wind and a heavy cannonade. Dampier, who has 
related the transactions of the 28th and 29th very briefly, speaks 
of the weather-gage here as a decisive advantage. He says; 

: . . "In 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. isi 

u In the morning (of the 29th) therefore, when we found the chap. 35. 
" enemy had got the weather-gage of us, and were coming i68$7~ 
" upon us with full sail, we ran for it." May. 

On this occasion there is no room for commendation on the Ba y of 
valour of either party. The Buccaneers, however, knew, by the 
Spanish fleet coming to them from Panama, that the treasure 
must have been landed, and therefore they could have had little 
motive for enterprise. The meeting was faintly sought by both 
sides, and no battle was fought, except a little cannonading 
during the retreat of the Buccaneers, which on their side was 
almost wholly confined to the ship of their Commander. Both 
Dampier and Lussan acknowledge that Edward Davis brought 
the whole of the buccaneer fleet off safe from the Spaniards 
by his courage and good management. 

On June the 1st, the Buccaneers sailed out of the Bay of June. 
Panama for the Island Qiribo. They had to beat up against 
SW winds, and had much wet weather. In the middle of June, 
they anchored on the East side of Quibo, where they were 
joined by Harris. 

Quibo and the smaller Islands near it, Dampier calls collec- Keys of 
tively, the Keys of Quibo. They are all woody. Good fresh Quibo. 
water was found on the great Island, which w T ould naturally be Q u fb6 
the case with the wet weather ; and here were deer, guanoes, and 
large black monkeys, whose flesh was esteemed by the Bucca- 
neers to be sweet and wholesome food. 

A shoal which runs out from the SE point of Quibo half a 
mile into the sea, has been already noticed : a league to the 
North of this shoal, and a mile distant from the shore, is a 
rock which appears above water only at the last quarter ebb. R oc k near 
Except the shoal, and this rock, there is no other danger; and . ^ ie 

r . ... .Anchorage. 

ships may anchor within a quarter of a mile of the shore, in 
from six to twelve fathoms clear sand and ooze *. 

They 

* Dampier, Vol. I, Chap. 8. 



182 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 15 

1685. 

June. 

At the 
Island 
Quibo. 



Serpents. 



The 
Serpent 
Berry. 



July- 
Disagree- 
ments 
among the 
Buccaneers, 



They stopped at Quibo to make themselves canoes, the trees 
there being well suited for the purpose, and some so large that 
a single trunk hollowed and wrought into shape, would carry 
forty or fifty men. Whilst this work was performing, a strong 
party was sent to the main-land against Pueblo Nuevo, which 
town was now entered without opposition ; but no plunder 
was obtained. 

Lussan relates that two of the Buccaneers were killed by 
serpents at Quibo. He says, ' here are serpents whose bite is so 

* venemous that speedy death inevitably ensues, unless the 

* patient can have immediate recourse to a certain fruit, which 
' must be chewed and applied to the part bitten. The tree which 

* bears this fruit grows here, and in other parts of America. It 
' resembles the almond-tree in France in height and in its 
4 leaves. The fruit is like the sea chesnut (Chataines de Mer) 
' but is of a grey colour, rather bitter in taste, and contains 
' in its middle a whitish almond. The whole is to be chewed 
6 together before it is applied. It is called (Graine d Serpent) 
' the Serpent Berry/ 

The dissatisfaction caused by their being foiled in the Bay of 
Panama, broke out in reproaches, and produced great disagree- 
ments among the Buccaneers. Many blamed Grogniet for not 
coming into battle the first day. On the other hand, Lussan 
blames the behaviour of the English, who, he says, being the 
greater number, lorded it over the French ; that Townley, 
liking Grogniet's ship better than his own, would have insisted 
on a change, if the French had not shewn a determination to 
resist such an imposition. Another cause of complaint against 
the English was, the indecent and irreverent manner in which 
they shewed their hatred to the Roman Catholic religion. 
Lussan says, ' When ihey entered the Spanish churches, it was 
4 their diversion to hack and mutilate every thing with their 
6 cutlasses, and to fire their muskets and pistols at the images 

' of 



f IN THE SOUTH SEA. 183 

* of the Saints/ In consequence of these disagreements, 330 of chap. 15. 
the French joined together under Grogniet, and separated from 1685. 
the English. The French 

Before either of the parties had left Quibo, William Knight, a from the 
Buccaneer already mentioned, arrived there in a ship manned En g nsn - 
with 40 Englishmen and 11 Frenchmen. This small crew of Buccaneer 
Buccaneers had crossed the Isthmus about nine months before ; 9°. mm 1 5 nde . r ' 

' joins Davis. 

they had been cruising both on the coast of New Spain and on 
the coast of Peru ; and the sum of their successes amounted to 
their being provided with a good vessel and a good stock of 
provisions. They had latterly been to the Southward, where 
they learnt that the Lima fleet had sailed against the Bucca- 
neers before Panama, which was the first notice they received 
of other Buccaneers than themselves being in the South Sea. 
On the intelligence, they immediately sailed for the Bay of 
Panama, that they might be present and share in the capture 
of the Spaniards, which they believed would inevitably be the 
result of a meeting. On arriving in the Pay of Panama, they 
learnt what really had happened : nevertheless, they proceeded 
to Quibo in search of their friends. The Frenchmen in Knight's 
ship left her to join their countrymen : Knight and the rest of 
the crew, put themselves under the command of Davis. 

The ship commanded by Harris, was found to be in a 
decayed state and untenantable. Another vessel was given to 
him and his crew ; but the whole company were so much 
crowded for want of ship room, that a number remained 
constantly in canoes. One of the canoes which they built at 
Quibo measured 36 feet in length, and between 5 and 6 feet 
in width. 

Davis and the English party, having determined to attack 
the city of Leon in the province of Nicaragua, sent an invita- 
tion to the French Buccaneers to rejoin them. The French 

had 



184 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 15 . had only one ship, which was far from sufficient to contain 

1685. their whole number, and they demanded, as a condition of 

July. their uniting again with the English, that another vessel should 

At the be given to themselves. The English could ill spare a ship, and 

Island , , , ... •!•/.-■ 

Quibo. would not agree to the proposition ; the separation therefore 
was final. Jean Rose, a Frenchman, with fourteen of his coun- 
trymen, in a new canoe they had built for themselves, left 
Grogniet to try their fortunes under Davis. 

In this, and in other separations which subsequently took 
place among the Buccaneers, it has been thought the most clear 
and convenient arrangement of narrative, to follow the fortunes 
of the buccaneer Commander Edward Davis and his ad- 
herents, without interruption, to the conclusion of their adven- 
tures in the South Sea; and afterwards to resume the pro- 
ceedings of the other adventurers. 
Proceed- On the 20th of July, Davis with eight vessels and 640 men, 
FvF °!i departed from the Island Quibo for Ria Lexa, sailing through 
Davis, the channel between Quibo and the main-land, and along the 
coast of the latter, which was low and overgrown with thick 
August. woods, and appeared thin of inhabitants. August the 9th, at 
Expedition eight in the morning, the ships being then so far out in the 
the City of offing that they could not be descried from the shore, Davis with 
^ eon - 520 men went away in 31 canoes for the harbour of Ria Lexa. 
They set out with fair weather ; but at two in the afternoon, a 
tornado came from the land, with thunder, lightning, and 
rain, and with such violent gusts of wind that the canoes were 
all obliged to put right before it, to avoid being overwhelmed 
by the billows. Dampier remarks generally of the hot latitudes, 
as Lussan does of the Pacific Ocean, that the sea there is soon 
raised by the wind, and when the wind abates is soon down 
again. Up Wind Up Sea, Down Wind Down Sea, is proverbial 
between the tropics among seamen, The fierceness of the 

tornado 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 185 

tornado continued about half an hour, after which the wind chap. 15 . 
gradually abated, and the canoes again made towards the land. ^^ 
At seven in the evening it was calm, and the sea quite smooth. August. 
During the night, the Buccaneers, having the direction of a Proceed- 
Spanish pilot, entered a narrow creek which led towards Leon; Edw. Davis. 
but the pilot could not undertake to proceed up till daylight, 
lest he should mistake, there being several creeks commu- 
nicating with each other. 

The city of Leon bordered on the Lake of Nicaragua, and Leon, 
was reckoned twenty miles within the sea coast. They went 
only a part of this distance by the river, when Davis, leaving 
sixty men to guard the canoes, landed with the rest and 
marched towards the city, two miles short of which they 
passed through an Indian town. Leon had a cathedral and 
three other churches. It was not fortified, and the Spaniards, 
though they drew up their force in the Great Square or 
Parade, did not think themselves strong enough to defend the 
place. About three in the afternoon, the Buccaneers entered, 
and the Spaniards retired. 

All the Buccaneers who landed did not arrive at Leon that 
same day. According to their ability for the march, Davis had 
disposed his men into divisions. The foremost was composed 
of all the most active, who marched without delay for the town, 
the other divisions following as speedily as they were able. The 
rear division being of course composed of the worst travellers, 
some of them could not keep pace even with their own divi- 
sion. They all came in afterwards except two, one of whom was 
killed, and the other taken prisoner. The man killed was a 
stout grey-headed old man of the name of Swan, aged about 
84 years, who had served under Cromwell, and had ever since 
made privateering or buccaneering his occupation. This veteran 
would not be dissuaded from going on the enterprise against 

B b Leon : 



186 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 15. Leon ; but his strength failed in the march ; and after being 

16S5. left in the road, he was found by the Spaniards, who endeavoured 

August, to make him their prisoner ; but he refused to surrender, and 

Proceed- fj rec } jjjg mus fc e t amongst them, having in reserve a pistol still 

Edw?Davis. charged ; on which he was shot dead. 

The houses in Leon were large, built of stone, but not high, 
with gardens about them. ' Some have recommended Leon as 
' the most pleasant place in all America ; and for health and 
' pleasure it does surpass most places. The country round is of 
' a sandy soil, which soon drinks up the rains to which these 
* parts are much subject *.' 

Leon burnt The Buccaneers being masters of the city, the Governor 

Buccaneers. sen ^ a ^ a § °^ truce to treat for its ransom. They demanded 
300,000 dollars, and as much provision as would subsist 1000 
men four months: also that the Buccaneer taken prisoner should 
be exchanged. These demands it is probable the Spaniards never 
intended to comply with ; however they prolonged the nego- 
ciation, till the Buccaneers suspected it was for the purpose of 
collecting force. Therefore, on the 14tb, they set fire to the 
city, and returned to the coast. The town of Ria Lexa under- 
went a similar fate, contrary to the intention of the Buccaneer 
Commander. 

Ria Lexa. Ria Lexa is unwholesomely situated in a plain among creeks 
and swamps, ' and is never free from a noisome smell.' The 
soil is a strong yellow clay ; in the neighbourhood of the town 
were many sugar-works and beef-farms ; pitch, tar, and cordage 
were made here; with all which commodities the inhabitants 
carried on a good trade. The Buccaneers supplied themselves 
with as much as they wanted of these articles, besides which, 
they received at Ria Lexa 150 head of cattle from a Spanish 
gentleman, who had been released upon his parole, and pro- 
mise 

* Dampier, 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 187 

mise of making such payment for his ransom ; their own man chap. ] 5 : 
who had been made prisoner was redeemed in exchange for a 1685. 
Spanish lady, and they found in the town 500 packs of flour; August, 
which circumstances might have put the Buccaneers in good 
temper and have induced them to spare the town ; ' but/ says Town of 
Dampier, ' some of our destructive crew, I know not by whose burnt 
6 order, set fire to the houses, and we marched away and left 
* them burning.' 

After the Leon expedition, no object of enterprise occurred Farther 
to them of sufficient magnitude to induce or to enable them to of the 
keep together in such large force. Dispersed in small bodies, Buccaneer s- 
they expected a better chance of procuring both subsistence 
and plunder. By general consent therefore, the confederacy 
which had been preserved of the English Buccaneers was 
relinquished, and they formed into new parties according to 
their several inclinations. Swan proposed to cruise along the 
coast of New Spain, and N W-ward, as far as to the entrance of 
the Gulf of California, and thence to take his, departure for the 
East Indies. Townley and his followers agreed to try their 
fortunes with Swan as long as he remained on the coast of New 
Spain; after which they proposed to return to the Isthmus. In 
the course of settling these arrangements, William Dampier, 
being desirous of going to the East Indies, took leave of his 
commander, Edward Davis, and embarked with Swan. Of these, 
an account will be given hereafter. 



13 b % 



188 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. XVI. 

Buccaneers under Edward Davis. At Amapalla Bay ; Cocos 
Island; The Galapagos Islands; Coast of Peru. Peruvian 
Wine. Knight quits the South Sea. Bezoar Stones. Marine 

r productions on Mountains. Vermejo. Davis joins the French 
Buccaneers at Guayaquil. Long Sea Engagement. 



chap. 16 . "YY^ITH Davis there remained the vessels of Knight and 

16S5. Harris, with a tender, making in all four sail. August 

August, the 27tb, they sailed from the harbour of Ria Lexa, and as 

they departed Swan saluted them with fifteen guns, to which 

Davis returned eleven. 

Proceed- A sickness had broken out among Davis's people, which was 

Buccaneers attributed to the unwholesomeness of the air, or the bad 

under water, at Ria Lexa. After leaving; the place, the disorder in- 
Edw.Davis 



Amapalla 



creased, on which account Davis sailed to the Bay of Amapalla, 
Bay. where on his arrival he built huts on one of the Islands in the 
Bay for the accommodation of his sick men, and landed them. 
Above ] 30 of the Buccaneers were ill with a spotted fever, 
and several died. 

Lionel Wafer was surgeon with Davis, and has given a brief 
account of his proceedings. Wafer, with some others, went on 
shore to the main land on the South side of Amapalla Bay, to 
seek for provisions. They walked to a beef farm which was 
A hot about three miles from their landing. In the way they crossed 
a hot river in an open savannah, or plain, which they forded 
with some difficulty on account of its heat. This river issued 
from under a hill which was not a volcano, though along the 
coast there were several. ' I had the curiosity/ says Wafer, ' to 

' wade 



River. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 189 

* wade up the stream as far as I had daylight to guide me. chap. 16. 

* The water was clear and shallow, but the steams were like 2685. 

? those of a boiling pot, and my hair was wet with them. The Amapalla 

* river reeked without the hill a great way. Some of our men ay * 
' who had the itch, bathed themselves here, and growing well 

' soon after, their cure was imputed to the sulphureousness or 

* other virtue of this water.' Here were many wolves, who 
approached so near and so boldly to some who had straggled 
from the rest of their party, as to give them great alarm, and 
they did not dare to fire, lest the noise of their guns should 
bring more wolves about them. 

Davis remained some weeks at Amapalla Bay, and departed 
thence for the Peruvian coast, with the crews of his ships reco- 
vered. In their way Southward they made Cocos Island, and Cocos 

i slrind 

anchored in the harbour at the NE part, where they supplied 
themselves with excellent fresh water and cocoa-nuts. Wafer 
has given the description following: 'The middle of Cocos 

* Island is a steep lull, surrounded with a plain declining to the 

* sea. This plain is thick set with cocoa-nut trees : but what 
' contributes greatly to the pleasure of the place is, that a 

* great many springs of clear and sweet water rising to the top 

* of the hill, are there gathered as in a deep large bason or 

* pond, and the water having no channel, it overflows the verge 

* of its bason in several places, and runs trickling down in 
4 pleasant streams. In some places of its overflowing, the 

* rocky side of the hill being more than perpendicular, and 

* hanging over the plain beneath, the water pours down in a 
' cataract, so as to leave a dry space under the spout, and 

* form a kind of arch of water. The freshness which the 
i falling water gives the air in this hot climate makes this a 

* delightful place. We did not spare the cocoa-nuts. One 

* day, some of our men being minded to make themselves 



< 



merry 



190 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

cha p. 16. ' merry, went ashore and cut down a great many cocoa-nut trees, 

1685. ' "from which they gathered the fruit, and drew about twenty 

Cocos 6 gallons of the milk. They then sat down and drank healths 

pl & ' to tne King a °d Queen, and drank an excessive quantity; 

Excess in i yet it did not end in drunkenness : but this liquor so chilled 

MUk'of tl he ' an ^ benumbed their nerves that they could neither go nor 

Cocoa-nut. ' stand. Nor could they return on board without the help of 

i those who had not been partakers of the frolick, nor did they 

' recover under four or five days' time */ 

Here Peter Harris broke off consortship, and departed for 

the East Indies. The tender sailed at the same time, probably 

following the same route. 

At the Davis and Knight continued to associate, and sailed together 

Galapagos f rom Q ocos Island to the Galapagos. At one of these Islands 

Islands. l ° 

they found fresh water; the buccaneer Journals do not specify 
which Island, nor any thing that can be depended upon as 
certain of its situation. Wafer only says, ' From Cocos we came 
e to one of the Galapagos Islands. At this Island there was but 
' one watering-place, and there we careened our ship/ Dampier 
was not with them at this time; but in describing the Galapagos 
Isles, he makes the following mention of Davis's careening 
place. ' Part of what I say of these Islands I had from Captain 
' Davis, who was there afterwards, and careened his ship at 
* neither of the Islands that we were at in 168 4, but went to 
' other Islands more to the Westward, which he found to be 
' good habitable Islands, having a deep fat soil capable of 
' producing any thing that grows in those climates: they are 
' well watered, and have plenty of good timber. Captain. 
' Harris came hither likewise, and found some Islands that had 
' plenty of mammee-trees, and pretty large rivers. They have 
4 good anchoring in many places, so that take the Galapagos 

' Islands 
* Voyage and Description, &c. hy Lionel Wafer, p. icji, and seq, London, 16Q9, 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 191 

* Islands hy and large, they are extraordinary good places for chap. 16. 

* ships in distress to seek relief at*/ a 685. 
Wafer has not given the date of this visit, which was the At the 

Pol 

second made by Davis to the Galapagos ; but as he stopped i s ianf s ° S 
several weeks in the Gulf of Amapalla for the recovery of his 
sick, and afterwards made some stay at Cocos Island, it must 
have been late in the year, if not after the end, when he arrived 
at the Galapagos, and it is probable, during, or immediately 
after, a rainy season. 

The account published by Wafer, excepting what relates to 
the Isthmus of Daricn, consists of short notices set down from 
recollection, and occupying in the whole not above fifty 
duodecimo pages. He mentions a tree at the Island of the 
Galapagos where they careened, like a pear-tree, ' low and not 
i shrubby, very sweet in smell, and full of very sweet gum.' 

Davis and Knight took on board their ships 500 packs or 
sacks of flour from the stores which had formerly been deposited 
at the Galapagos. The birds had devoured some, in consequence 
of the bags having been left exposed. 

From the Galapagos, they sailed to the coast of Peru, and 1686. 
cruised in company till near the end of 1686. They cap- Coastof 
tured many vessels, which they released after plundering ; and Peru, 
attacked several towns along the coast. They had sharp engage- 
ments with the Spaniards at Guasco, and at Pisco, the particulars 
of which are not related ; but they plundered both the towns. 
They landed also at La Nasca, a small port on the coast of 
Peru in latitude about 15°S, at which place they furnished 
themselves with a stock of wine. Wafer says, ' This is a rich Peruvian 
1 strong wine, in taste much like Madeira. It is brought Madeira. 
' down out of the country to be shipped for Lima and Panama. 

* Sometimes it is kept here many years stopped up in jars, of 
' about eight gallons each: the jars were under no shelter, but 

' exposed 
* Dampier. Manuscript Journal. 



192 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 16 . ( exposed to the scorching sun, being placed along the bay 
1686. c afi d between the rocks, every merchant having his own wine 
On the ' marked/ It could not well have been placed more con- 
Coast of veniently for the Buccaneers. 

Peru. 

They landed at Coquimbo, which Wafer describes - a large 
'. town with nine churches/ What they did there is not said. 
Wafer mentions a small river that emptied itself in a bay, 
three miles from the town, in which, up the country, the 
Spaniards get gold. ' The sands of the river by the sea, and 
c round the whole Bay, are all bespangled with particles of 
' gold ; insomuch that in travelling along the sandy bays, 
' our people were covered with a fine gold-dust, but too fine for 
* any profit, for it would be an endless work to pick it up/ 

Statistical accounts of the Viceroyalty of Peru, which during 

a succession of years were printed annually at the end of the 

Lima Almanack, notice the towns of Santa Maria de la Perilla, 

Gnasca, Santiago de Mirafiores, Canete, Pisco, Huara, and 

Guayaquil, being sacked and in part destroyed by pirates, in 

the years 1685, 1636, and 1687. 

At Juan Davis and Knight having made much booty (Lussan says so 

ernan ez. j-^^ ^hat ^he share of each man amounted to 5000 pieces of 

eight), they went to the Island Juan Fernandez to refit, intending 

to sail thence for the West Indies : but before they had recruited 

and prepared the ships for the voyage round the South of 

America, Fortune made a new distribution of their plunder. 

Many lost all their money at play, and they could not endure, 

after so much peril, to quit the South Sea empty handed, but 

Knight resolved to revisit the coast of Peru. The more fortunate party 

qujts the emDar ked with Knieht for the West Indies. 

South sea. s> 

j) avis The luckless residue, consisting of sixty Englishmen, and 

returns to twenty Frenchmen, with Edward Davis at their head, remained 

of Peru, with the BatcheWs Delight to begin their work afresh. They 

sailed from Juan Fernandez for the American coast, which they 

made 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 193 

made as far South as the Island Mocha. By traffic with the chap. 16. 

inhabitants, they procured among other provisions, a number of 1687. 

the Llama or Peruvian sheep. Wafer relates, that out of the Coast of 

stomach of one of these sheep he took thirteen Bezoar stones B 

of several forms, ' some resembling coral, some round, and all Stones. 
4 green when first taken out; but by long keeping they turned 
4 of an ash colour/ 

In latitude 26° S, wanting fresh water, they made search for Marine 

i ■¥-»• /-1 mi iii n i 1 i i -n Productions 

the Kiver Copiapo. Ihey landed and ascended the hills in found on 
hopes of discovering it. According to Wafer's computation Mountains ' 
they went eight miles within the coast, ascending mountain 
beyond mountain till they were a full mile in perpendicular 
height above the level of the sea. They found the ground there 
covered with sand and sea-shells, ' which/ says Wafer, 4 I the 
4 more wondered at, because there were no shell-fish, nor could 
4 I ever find any shells, on any part of the sea-coast hereabouts, 
4 though I have looked for them in many places/ They did not 
discover the river they were in search of ; but shortly afterwards, 
they landed at Arica, which they plundered ; and at the River 
Ylo, where they took in fresh water. At Arica was a house full of 
Jesuits' bark. Wafer relates, ' We also put ashore at Vermtjo^ in Vermejo. 
4 10° S latitude. I was one of those who landed to see for water. 
4 We marched about four miles up a sandy bay, which we found 
4 covered with the bodies of men, women, and children. These 
4 bodies to appearance, seemed as if they had not been above 
4 a week dead ; but if touched, they proved dry and light as a 
4 sponge or piece of cork. We were told by an old Spanish 
4 Indian whom we met, that in his father's time, the soil there, 
4 which now yielded nothing, was well cultivated and fruitful : 
4 that the city of Wormia had been so numerously inhabited 
4 with Indians, that they could have handed a fish from hand 
* to hand until it had come to the Inca's hand. But that 

C c 4 when 



194 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

cha p. 16. < when the Spaniards came and laid siege to their city, the 
^87. * Indians, rather than yield to their mercy, dug holes in the 

Coast of ' sand and buried themselves alive. The men as they now 
' lie, have by them their broken bows ; and the women their 
' spinning-wheels and distaffs with cotton yarn upon them. Of 
' these dead bodies I brought on board a boy of about ten 
4 years of age with an intent to bring him to England; but was 
■ frustrated of my purpose by the sailors, who had a foolish 
1 conceit that the compass would not traverse right whilst 

* there was a dead body on board, so they threw him over- 

* board to my great vexation *.' 

April. Near this part of the coast of Peru, in April 1687, Davis had 

a severe action with a Spanish frigate, named the Katalina, in 
which the drunkenness of his crew gave opportunity to the 
Spanish Commander, who had made a stout defence, to run 
his ship ashore upon the coast. They fell in with many other 
Spanish vessels, which, after plundering, they dismissed. 

Shortly after the engagement with the Spanish frigate 
Katalina, Davis made a descent at Payta, to seek refreshments 
for his wounded men, and surprised there a courier with dis- 
patches from the Spanish Commander at Guayaquil to the 
Viceroy at Lima, by which he learnt that a large body of 
English and French Buccaneers had attacked, and were then 
in possession of, the town of Guayaquil. The Governor had 
been taken prisoner by the Buccaneers, and the Deputy or 
next in authority, made pressing instances for speedy succour, 
in his letter to the Viceroy, which, according to Lus'san, con- 
tained the following passage : * The time has expired some days 
i which was appointed for the ransom of our prisoners. I amuse 

* the enemy with the hopes of some thousands of pieces of eight, and 

* they have sent me the heads of four of our prisoners : but if they 

i send 

# Wafer's Voyages, p. 208. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 195 

' send me fifty, I should esteem it less prejudicial than our suffering chap. 16 . 
8 these ruffians to live. If your Excellency will hasten the arma- 1687. 
' rnent to our assistance, here will be a fair opportunity to rid May. 
' ourselves of them.' 

Upon this news, and the farther intelligence that Spanish Davis 
ships of war had been dispatched from Callao to the relief of buccaneers 
Guayaquil, Davis sailed for that place, and, on May the 14th, at 
arrived in the Bay of Guayaquil, where he found many of his 
old confederates ; for these were the French Buccaneers who 
had separated from him under Grogniet, and the English who 
had gone with Townley. Those two leaders had been overtaken 
by the perils of their vocation, and were no more. But whilst in 
their mortal career, and after their separation from Davis, though 
they had at one time been adverse almost to hostility against each 
other, they had met, been reconciled, and had associated toge- 
ther. Townley died first, of a wound he received in battle, and 
was succeeded in the command of the English by a Buccaneer 
named George Hout or Hutt. At the attack of Guayaquil, 
Grogniet was mortally wounded; and Le Picard was chosen by 
the French to succeed him in the command. Guayaquil was 
taken on the 20th of April ; the plunder and a number of pri- 
soners had been conveyed by the Buccaneers to their ships, 
which were at anchor by the Island Puna, when their unwearied 
good fortune brought Davis to join thern. 

The taking of Guayaquil by the Buccaneers under Grogniet 
and Hutt will be more circumstantially noticed in the sequel, 
with other proceedings of the same crews. When Davis joined 
them, they were waiting with hopes, nearly worn out, of 
obtaining a large ransom which had been promised them for the 
town of Guayaquil, and for their prisoners. 

The information Davis had received made him deem it 

c c 2 prudent, 



196 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

CHAF - l6 ; prudent, instead of going to anchor at Puna, to remain with 

1687. his ship on the look-out in the offing ; he therefore sent a 

May. prize- vessel into the road to acquaint the Buccaneers there 

N Sand e °f nis Dem S near at hand, and that the Spaniards were to be 

Puna. expected shortly. 

The captors of Guayaquil continued many days after this to 
wait for ransom. They had some hundreds of prisoners, for 
whose sakes the Spaniards sent daily to the Buccaneers large 
supplies of provisions, of which the prisoners could expect to 
receive only the surplus after the Buccaneers should be satis- 
fied. At length, the Spaniards sent 42,000 pieces of eight, the 
most part in gold, and eighty packages of flour. The sum was 
far short of the first agreement, and the Buccaneers at Puna, to 
make suitable return, released only a part of the prisoners, 
reserving for a subsequent settlement those of the most con- 
sideration. 
26th. On the 26th, they quitted the road of Puna, and joined 

Meeting D av i s . j n the evening of the same day, two large Spanish 
Spanish ships came in sight. Davis's ship mounted 36 guns ; and her 

Ql " -f 

^ar° crevv > which had been much diminished by different engage- 

and the ments, was immediately reinforced with 80 men from Le Picard's 

' party. Besides Davis's ship, the Buccaneers had only a small 

ship and a barca-longa fit to come into action. Their prize 

vessels which could do no service, were sent for security into 

shallow water. 

A Sea On the morning of the 27th, the Buccaneers and Spaniards 

Engage- were both without the Island S ta Clara. The Spaniards were 

ment of 

seven days, the farthest out at sea, and had the sea-breeze first, with which 
they bore down till about noon, when being just within the 
reach of cannon-shot, they hauled upon a wind, and began a 
distant cannonade, which was continued till evening: the two 

parties 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 19? 

parties then drew off to about a league asunder, and anchored chap. 16. 
for the night. On the morning of the 28th, they took up their x68y. 
anchors, and the day was spent in distant firing, and in endea- 
vours to gain or to keep the wind of each other. The same kind 
of maoeuvring and distant firing was put in practice on each 
succeeding day, till the evening of the 2d of June, which com- June, 
pleted the seventh day of this obstinate engagement. The 
Spanish Commander, being then satisfied that he had fought 
long enough, and hopeless of prevailing on the enemy to The 
yield, withdrew in the night. On the morning of the 3d, the retire" 
Buccaneers were surprised, and not displeased, at finding no 
enemy in sight. 

During all this fighting, the Buccaneers indulged their vanity 
by keeping the Governor of Guayaquil, and other prisoners of 
distinction, upon deck, to witness the superiority of their 
management over that of the Spaniards. It was not indeed a 
post of much danger, for in the whole seven days battle, 
not one Buccaneer was killed, and only two or three were 
wounded. 

It may be some apology for the Spanish Commander, that in 
consequence of Davis's junction with the captors of Guayaquil, 
he found a much greater force to contend with than he had 
been taught to expect. Fortune had been peculiarly unfavour- 
able to the Spaniards on this occasion. Three ships of force had 
been equipped and sent in company against the Buccaneers at 
Guayaquil. One of them, the Katalina, by accident was 
separated from the others, and fell in with Davis, by whom she 
was driven on the coast, where she stranded. The Spanish 
armament thus weakened one-third, on arriving in the Bay of 
Guayaquil, found the buccaneer force there increased, by this 
same Davis, in a proportion greater than their own had been 

diminished. 



198 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 16 . diminished. Davis and Le Picard left the choice of distance to 

1687. the Spaniards in this meeting, not considering it their business 

June. to come to serious battle unless forced. They had reason to be 

At the satisfied with having defended themselves and their plunder; 

Island to _ . r 

De la Plata, and after the enemy disappeared, finding the coast clear, they 
sailed to the Island De la Plata, where they stopped to repair 
damages, and to hold council. 

They all now inclined homewards. The booty they had 
made, if it fell short of the exoectations of some, was sufficient 
to make them eager to be where thej r could use or expend it ; 
but they were not alike provided with the means of returning 
to the North Sea. Davis had a stout ship, and he proposed to 
go the Southern passage by the Strait of Magalhanes, or round 
Cape Home. No other of the vessels in the possession of the 
Buccaneers was strong enough for such a voj'age. All the French 
therefore, and many of the English Buccaneers, bent their 
thoughts on returning overland, an undertaking that would 
inevitably be attended with much difficulty, encumbered as 
they were with their plunder, and the Darien Indians having 
become hostile to them. 

Almost all the Frenchmen in Davis's ship, left her to join 
their countrymen, and many of the English from their party 
embarked with Davis. All thoughts of farther negociation 
with the Spaniards for the ransom of prisoners, were relin- 
quished. Le Picard had given notice on quitting the Bay of 
Guayaquil, that payment would be expected for the release 
of the remaining prisoners, and that the Buccaneers would 
wait for it at Cape Santa Elejia; but they had passed that 
Cape, and it was apprehended that if they returned thither, 
instead of receiving ransom, they might find the Spanish ships 
of war, come to renew the attack on them under other Com- 
manders, 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 199 

manders. On the 10th, they landed their prisoners on the chap- 16 . 

Continent. 1687. 

The next day they shared the plunder taken at Guayaquil. June. 

The jewels and ornaments could not well be divided, nor could Division of 
. ... Plunder. 

their value be estimated to general satisfaction : neither could 
they agree upon a standard proportion between the value of 
gold and silver. Every man was desirous to receive for his 
share such parts of the spoil as were most portable, and this 
was more especially of importance to those who intended to 
march overland. The value of gold was so much enhanced that 
an ounce of gold was received in lieu of eighty dollars, and a 
Spanish pistole went for fifteen dollars ; but these instances 
probably took place in settling their gaming accounts. In the 
division of the plunder these difficulties were obviated by a 
very ingenious and unobjectionable mode of distribution. The 
silver was first divided : the other articles were then put up to 
auction, and bid for in pieces of eight ; and when all were so 
disposed of, a second division was made of the silver produced 
by the sale. 

Davis and his company were not present at the taking of 
Guayaquil, but the services they had rendered, had saved both 
the plunder and the plunderers, and gave them a fair claim to 
share. Neither Wafer nor Lussan speak to this point, from 
which it may be inferred that every thing relating to the divi- 
sion was settled among them amicably, and that Davis and his 
men had no reason to be dissatisfied. Lussan gives a loose 
statement of the sum total and of the single shares. ' Notwith- 
' standing that these things were sold so dearly, we shared for 
' the taking of Guayaquil only 400 pieces of eight to each 
' man, which would make in the whole about fifteen hundred 
i thousand livres.' The number of Buccaneers with Grogniet 

and 



200 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 16. and Hutt immediately previous to the attack of Guayaquil, 

1687. was 304. Davis's crew at the time he separated from Knight, 

June. consisted of eighty men. He had afterwards lost men in 

several encounters, and it is probable the whole number 

present at the sharing of the plunder of Guayaquil was short 

of three hundred and fifty. Allowing the extra shares to officers 

to have been 150, making the whole number of shares 500, the 

Tn amount of the. plunder will fall short of Lussan's estimate. 

separate to O n the 12th, the two parties finally took leave of each other 

by different and separated, bound by different routes for the Atlantic, 

Routes. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 201 



CHAP. XVII. 

Edward Davis ; his Third visit to the Galapagos. One of those 
Islands, named Santa Maria de l'Aguada by the Spaniards, a 
Careening Place of the Buccaneers. Sailing thence Southward 
they discover Land. Question, whether Edward Davis's Dis- 
covery is the Land which was afterwards named Easter Island ? 
Davis, and his Crew arrive in the West Indies. 

TP^AVIS again sailed to the Galapagos Islands, to victual chap. 17 . 

and refit his ship. Lionel Wafer was still with him, and 1687. 
appears to have been one of those to whom fortune had been Davis sails 

-ntr r i • -l l • • • to the 

most unpropitious. Water does not mention either the joining Galapagos 

company with the French Buccaneers, or the plunder of Islands - 

Guayaquil ; and particularises few of his adventures. He says, 

s I shall not pursue all my coasting along the shore of Peru 

e with Captain Davis. We continued rambling about to little 

' purpose, sometimes at sea, sometimes ashore, till having 

1 spent much time and visited many places, we were got again 

' to the Galapagos ; from whence we were determined to make 

' the best of our way out of these seas/ 

At the Galapagos they again careened ; and there they vic- 
tualled the ship, taking on board a large supply of flour, 
curing fish, salting flesh of the land turtle for sea store ; and 
they saved as much of the oil of the land turtle as filled sixty 
jars (of eight gallons each) which proved excellent, and was 
thought not inferior to fresh butter. 

Captain Colnet was at the Galapagos Isles in the years 1 793 
and 1794, and found traces, still fresh, which marked the haunts 
of the Buccaneers. He says, ' At every place where we landed 

Dd 'on 



202 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 17. 

v v— — * 

1687. 

At the 

Galapagos 

Islands. 

King 
James's 
Island. 



on the Western side of King James's Isle, we might have 
walked for miles through long grass and beneath groves of 
trees. It only wanted a stream to compose a very charming 
landscape. This Isle appears to have been a favourite resort 
of the Buccaneers, as we found seats made by them of earth 
and stone, and a considerable number of broken jars scattered 
about, and some whole, in which the Peruvian wine and 
liquors of the country are preserved. We also found daggers, 
nails, and other implements. The watering-place of the 
Buccaneers was at this time (the latter part of April or begin- 
ning of May) entirely dried up, and there was only found a 
small rivulet between two hills running into the sea; the 
Northernmost of which hills forms the South point of Fresh 
Water Bay. There is plenty of wood, but that near the shore 
is not large enough for other use than fire-wood. In the 
mountains the trees may be larger, as they grow to the 
summits. I do not think the watering-place we saw is the 
only one on the Island, and I have no doubt, if wells were 
dug any where beneath the hills, and not near the lagoon 
behind the sandy beach, that fresh water would be found in 
great plenty */ 

Since Captain Colnet's Voyage, Captain David Porter of the 
American United States' frigate Essex, has seen and given 
descriptions of the Galapagos Islands. He relates an anecdote 
which accords with Captain Colnet's opiniqn of there being 
fresh water at King James's Island. He landed, on its West 
side, four goats (one male and three female) and some sheep, 
to graze. As they were tame and of their own accord kept near 
the landing-place, they were left every night without a keeper, 
and water was carried to them in the morning. * But one morning, 
4 after they had been on the Island several days and nights, 

' the 



* Colnet's Voyage to the Pacific, pp. 156-7. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 203 

« the person who attended them went on shore as usual to give chap.it. 
i thern water, but no goats were to be found : they had all as jgs- 
6 with one accord disappeared. Several persons were sent to At the 
< search after them for two or three days, but without success/ {^j^ 08 
Captain Porter concluded that they had found fresh water in 
the interior of the Island, and chose to remain near it. ' One 
' fact/ he says, ' was noticed by myself and many others, the 
' day preceding their departure, which must lead us to believe 
4 that something more than chance directed their movements, 
' which is, that they all drank an unusual quantity of water on 
1 that day, as though they had determined to provide themselves 
* with a supply to enable them to reach the mountains */ 

Davis and his men had leisure for search and to make every 
kind of experiment ; but no one of his party has given any 
description or account of what was transacted at the Galapagos 
in this his third visit. Light, however, has been derived from 
late voyages. 

It has been generally believed, but not till lately ascertained, The Island 
that Davis passed most of the time he was amongst the Gala- l'Aeuada 
pagos, at an Island which the Spaniards have designated by the ^Careening 
name of S' a Maria de VAguada, concerning the situation of Buccaneers, 
which the Spaniards as well as geographers of other countries 
have disagreed. A Spanish pilot reported to Captain Woodes 
Rogers that S ta Maria de I'Aguada lay by itself, (i. e. was not one 
of a groupe of Islands) in latitude 1° 20' or 1° 30'S, was a 
pleasant Island, well stocked with wood, and with plenty of fresh 
water -f. Moll, DeVaugondy, and others, combining the accounts 

given 

* Journal of a Cruize to the Pacific Ocean, by Captain David Porter, in the years 
181.2-13 & 1814. 

+ Cruising Voyage round the World, by Captain Woodes Rogers, in the years 
1708 to 1711, pp. 211 and 265, 2d edition. London, 1718. 

D D 2 



204 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 17. given by Dampier and Woodes Rogers, have placed a S ta Maria 
S ta Mariade de V Aguada several degrees to the Westward of the whole of 
5 ° Cowley's groupe. Don Antonio de Ulloa, on the contrary, has 
laid it down as one of the Galapagos Isles, but among the 
most South-eastern of the whole groupe. More consonant with 
recent information, Pascoe Thomas, who sailed round the world 
with Commodore Anson, has given from a Spanish manuscript 
the situations of different Islands of the Galapagos, and among 
them that of S ta Maria de V Aguada. The most Western in the 
Spanish list published by Thomas is named S ta Margarita, and 
is the same with the Albemarle Island in Cowley's chart. The 
S ta Maria de V Aguada is set down in the same Spanish list in lati- 
tude 1° lo'S, and 19 minutes in longitude more East than the 
longitude given of S ta Margarita, which situation is due South 
of Cowley's King James's Island. 

Captain Colnet saw land due South of King James's Island, 
which he did not anchor at or examine, and appears to have 
mistaken for the King Charles's Island of Cowley's chart. On com- 
paring Captain Colnet's chart with Cowley's, it is evident that 
Captain Colnet has given the name of Lord Chatham's Isle to 
Cowley's King Charles's Island, the bearings and distance from 
the South end of Albemarle Island being the same in both, 
i. e. due East about 20 leagues. It follows that the Charles 
Island of Colnet's chart was not seen by Cowley, and that it is 
the S ta Maria de V Aguada of the Spaniards. It has lately been 
frequented by English and by American vessels employed in the 
South Sea Whale Fishery, who have found a good harbour on 
its North side, with wood and fresh water; and marks are yet 
discoverable that it was formerly a careening place of the 
buccaneers. Mr. Arrowsmith has added this harbour to Captain 
Colnet's chart, on the authority of information communicated 
by the master of a South Sea whaler. 

From 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 205 

From Captain David Porter's Journal, it appears that the chap. i 7] 
watering-place at S ta Maria de VAguada is three miles distant s ta Mariade 
from any part of the sea-shore ; and that the supply it yields is l' A S uada « 
not constant. On arriving a second time at the Galapagos, in 
the latter part of August, Captain Porter sent a boat on shore 
to this Island. Captain Porter relates, ' I gave directions that 
8 our former watering-places there should be examined, but 
* was informed that they were entirely dried up/ 

Cowley's chart, being original, a buccaneer performance, 
and not wholly out of use, is annexed to this account ; with the 
insertion, in unshaded outline, of the S Maria de VAguada, 
according to its situation with respect to Albemarle Island, as 
laid down in the last edition of Captain Colnet's chart, pub- 
lished by Mr. Arrowsmith. This unavoidably makes a difference 
in the latitude equal to the difference between Cowley's and 
Captain Colnet's latitude of the South end of Albemarle Island. 
In Captain Colnet's chart, the North end of S' a Maria de VAguada 
is laid down in 1° 15' S. 

The voyage of the Essex gives reasonable expectation of an 
improved chart of the Galapagos Isles, the Rev. Mr. Adams, 
who sailed as Chaplain in that expedition, having employed 
himself actively in surveying them. 

When the season approached for making the passage round 1687 
Cape Home, Davis and his company quitted their retreat. The 
date of their sailing is not given. Wafer relates, ' From the Galapagos 
.' Galapagos Islands we went again for the Southward, intending Southward. 
' to touch no where till we came to the Island Juan Fernandez. 
' In our way thither, being in the latitude of 12° 30 / S, and 
4 about 150 leagues from the main of America, about four 
6 o'clock in the morning, our ship felt a terrible shock, so 
' sudden and violent that we took it for granted she had struck 
c upon a rock. When the amazement was a little over, we 

' cast 



Davis sails 
from the 



206 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



C HAP. 17. 

1687. 



Island 
discovered 

* hy ■ 
Ed w.Davis. 



cast the lead and sounded, but found no ground, so we con- 
cluded it must certainly be some earthquake. The sea, which 
ordinarily looks green, seemed then of a whitish colour; and 
the water which we took up in the buckets for the ship's 
use, we found to be a little mixed with sand. Some time 
after, we heard that at that very time, there was an earth- 
quake at Callao, which did mischief both there and at Lima.' 
' Having recovered our fright, we kept on to the Southward. 
We steered SbEl Easterly, until we came to the latitude 
of £7* 20' S, when about two hours before day, we fell in with 
a small low sandy Island, and heard a great roaring noise, 
like that of the sea beating upon the shore, right ahead of 
the ship. Whereupon, fearing to fall foul upon the shore 
before day, the ship was put about. So we plied off till day, 
and then stood in again with the land, which proved to be a 
small flat Island, without the guard of any rocks. We stood 
in within a quarter of a mile of the shore, and could see it 
plainly, for it w r as a clear morning. To the Westward, about 
twelve leagues by judgement, Ave saw a range of high land, 
which we took to be Islands, for there were several partitions 
in the prospect. This land seemed to reach about 14 or 
16 leagues in a range, and there came thence great flocks of 
fowls. I, and many of our men would have made this land, 
and have gone ashore at it, but the Captain would not permit 
us. The small Island bears from Copiapo almost due East 
[West was intended] 500 leagues, and from the Galapagos 
under the line is distant 600 leagues */ 
Dampier was not present at this discovery; but he met his 
old Commander afterwards, and relates information he received 
concerning it in the following words. ' Captain Davis told me 
* lately, that after his departing from us at Ria Lexa, he went, 

' after 



* Wafer' $ Voyages, p, 214 & seq. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 



207 



c after several traverses, to the Galapagos, and that standing 
i thence Southward for wind to bring him about the Tierra del 
' Fuego, in the latitude of 27° S, about 500 leagues from Copayapo 
c on the coast of Chili, he saw a small sandy Island just by 
1 him -, and that they say/ to the Westward of it a long tract 
' of pretty high land, tending away toward the NW out 
f of sight*/ 

The two preceding paragraphs contain the whole which 
either in Wafer or Dampier is said concerning this land. The 
apprehension of being late in the season for the passage round 
Cape Home seems to have deterred Davis from making exami- 
nation of his discovery. The latitude and specified distance 
from Copiapo were particulars sufficient to direct future search; 
and twenty-five years afterwards, Jacob Roggewein, a Dutch 
navigator, guided by those marks, found land ; but it being 
more distant from the American Continent than stated by 
Davis or Wafer, Roggewein claimed it as a new discovery. A 
more convenient place for discussing this point, which has been 
a lasting subject of dispute among geographers, would be in an 
account of Roggewein's voyage ; but a few remarks here may 
be satisfactory. 

Wafer kept neither journal nor reckoning, his profession not 
being that of a mariner; and from circumstances which occur 
in Davis's navigation to the Atlantic, it may reasonably be 
doubted whether a regular reckoning or journal was kept by 
any person on board ; and whether the 500 leagues distance 
of the small Island from the American coast mentioned by 
Davis and Wafer, was other than a conjectured distance. They 
had no superior by whom a journal of their proceedings would 
be required or expected. If a regular journal had really been 
kept, it would most probably have found its way to the press. 

Jacob 



CHAP. 17. 
1687. 

Island 
discovered 

Edw. Davis. 



Question 
whether 
Edward 

Davis's 
Land and 

Easter 

Tsland are 

the same 

Land, or 

different. 



Dampier, Vol. I t Chap. 13, p. 352. 



20S BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

ch a p. 17. Jacob Roggewein, the Dutch Admiral, was more than any 

Question other navigator, willing to give himself the credit of making new 

concerning di scover i e s as the following extracts from the Journal of his 

Davis s ' & 

Land and expedition will evince. * We looked for Hawkins's Maiden Land, 

Island. i but could not find it ; but we discovered an Island 200 

* leagues in circuit, in latitude 52° S, about 200 leagues distant 

* to the East of the coast of South America, which we named 
1 Belgia Austral.' That is as much as to say, Admiral Rogge- 
wein could not find Hawkins's Maiden Land ; but he discovered 
land on the same spot, which he named Belgia Austral. After- 
wards, proceeding in the same disposition, the Journal relates, 

* We directed our course from Juan Fernandez towards Davis's 
4 Land, but to the great astonishment of the Admiral (Rogge- 
' wein) it was not seen. I think we either missed it, or that 

* there is no such land. We went on towards the West, and on 
' the anniversary of the Resurrection of our Saviour, we came 
1 in sight of an Island. We named it Paaschen or Oster Eylandt 

* (i. e. Easter Island)/ 

Paaschen or Easter Island according to modern charts and 
observations, is nearly 690 leagues distant from Copiapo, which 
is in the same parallel on the Continent of America. The state- 
ment of Davis and Wafer makes the distance only 512 leagues, 
which is a difference of 1 78 leagues. It is not probable that 
Davis could have had good information of the longitudes of the 
Galapagos Islands andCopiapo; but with every allowance, so large 
an error as 178 leagues in a run of 600 leagues might be thought 
incredible, if its possibility had not been demonstrated by a much 
greater being made by the same persons in this same homeward 
passage; as will be related. In the latitude and appearance of the 
land, the descriptions of Davis and Wafer are correct, Easter 
Island being a mountainous land, which will make partitions in 
the distant prospect and appear like a number of Islands. 

Rogge wein's 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 209 

Roggewein's claim to Paaschen or Easter Island as a new chap. 17. 
discovery has had countenance and support from geographers, Concerning 
some of the first eminence, but has been made a subject Davis's 

^•1 • •!• •"■-!/» -Land and 

or jealous contest, and not or impartial investigation. 11 Easter 
Roggewein discovered an Island farther to the West of the I sland - 
American coast than Davis's Land, it must follow that Davis's 
land lies between his discovery and the Continent ; but that part 
of the South Sea has been so much explored, that if any high 
land had existed between Easter Island and the American 
coast, it could not have escaped being known. There is not 
the least improbability that ships, in making a passage from 
the Galapagos Isles through the South East trade-wind, shall 
come into the neighbourhood of Easter Island. 

Edward Davis has generally been thought a native of 
England, but according to Lussan, and nothing appears to the 
contrary, he was a native of Holland, The majority of the 
Buccaneers in the ship, however, were British. How far to that 
source may be traced the disposition to refuse the Buccaneers 
the credit of the discovery, and how much national partialities 
have contributed to the dispute, may be judged from this cir~ 
cumstance, that Easter Island being Davis's Land has never been 
doubted by British geographers, and has been questioned only 
by those of other nations. 

The merit of the discovery is nothing, for the Buccaneers 
were not in search of land, but came without design in sight of 
it, and would not look at what they had accidentally found. 
And whether the discovery is to be attributed to Edward Davis 
or to his crew, ought to be esteemed of little concern to the 
nations of which they were natives, seeing the discoverers were 
men outlawed, and whose acts were disowned by the govern-* 
ments of their countries. 

E e Passing 



210 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHA P. 17. 

Concerning 

Davis's 

Land and 

Easter 

Island. 



1687. 

At the 

Island 

Juan 

Fernandez. 



Passing from considerations of claims to consideration of the 
fact ; — there is not the smallest plea for questioning, nor has any 
one questioned the truth of the Buccaneers having discovered 
a high Island West of the American coast, in or near the lati- 
tude of 27° S. If different from Easter Island, it must be 
supposed to be situated between that and the Continent. But 
however much it has been insisted or argued that Easter Island 
is not Davis's Land, no chart has yet pretended to shew two 
separate Islands, one for Edward Davis's discovery, and one for 
Roggewein's. The one Island known has been in constant requi- 
sition for double duty; and must continue so until another 
Island of the same description shall be found. 

Davis arrived at Juan Fernandez ' at the latter end of the year,' 
and careened there. Since the Buccaneers were last at the 
Island, the Spaniards had put dogs on shore, for the purpose of 
killing the goats. Many, however, found places among preci- 
pices, where the dogs could not get at them, and the Bucca- 
neers shot as many as served for their daily consumption. Here 
again, five men of Davis's crew, who had gamed away their 
money, ' and were unwilling to return out of these seas as poor 
as they came in,' determined on staying at Juan Fernandez, to 
take the chance of some other buccaneer ship, or privateer, 
touching at the Island. A canoe, arms, ammunition, and various 
implements were given to them, with a stock of maize for 
planting, and some for their immediate subsistence ; and each of 
these gentlemen had a negro attendant landed with him. 

Erom Juan Fernandez, Davis sailed to the Islands Mocha and 
Santa Maria, near the Continent, where he expected to have 
procured provisions, but he found both those Islands deserted 
and laid waste, the Spaniards having obliged the inhabitants 
to remove, that the Buccaneers might not obtain supply there. 

The 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. an 

The season was advanced, therefore without expending more chap. 17. 

time in searching for provisions, they bent their course South- ^gg 

ward. They passed round Cape Home without seeing land, but 

fell in with many Islands of ice, and ran so far Eastward before 

they ventured to steer a Northerly course, that afterwards, when, 

in the parallel of the River de la Plata, they steered Westward to 

make the American iCoast, which they Relieved to be only one 

hundred leagues distant, they sailed i four hundred and fifty 

' leagues to the West in the same latitude/ before they came in 

sight ofland ; whence many began to apprehend they were still 

in the South Sea *, and this belief would have gained ground, if a 

flight of locusts had not alighted on the ship, which a strong 

flurry of wind had blown off from the American coast. 

They arrived in the West Indies in the spring of the year 1688, Davis sails 
at a time when a proclamation had recently been issued, westludLs. 
offering the King's pardon to all Buccaneers who would quit 
that way of life, and claim the benefit of the proclamation. 

It was not the least of fortune's favours to this crew of Buc- 
caneers, that they should find it in their power, without any 
care or forethought of their own, to terminate a long course of 
piratical adventures in quietness and security. Edward Davis 
Avas afterwards in England, as appears by the notice given of his 
discovery by William Dampier, who mentions him always with 
peculiar respect. Though a Buccaneer, he was a man of much 
sterling worth ; being an excellent Commander, courageous, 
never rash, and endued in a superior degree with prudence, 
moderation, and steadiness ; qualities in which the Buccaneers 
generally have been most deficient. His character is not stained 
with acts of cruelty ; on the contrary, wherever he com- 
manded, he restrained the ferocity of his companions. It is 

no 

* Wafer's Voyages, p. 220» 
E E 2 



212 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 17. n o small testimony of his abilities that the whole of the Bucca- 
1688. neers in the South Sea during his time, in every enterprise 
wherein he bore part, voluntarily placed themselves under his 
guidance, and paid him obedience as their leader ; and no 
symptom occurs of their having at any time wavered in this 
respect, or shewn inclination to set up a rival authority. It 
may almost be said, that the only matter in which they were 
not capricious was their confidence in his management ; and in 
it they found their advantage, if not their preservation. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 



213 



CHAR XVIII. 



Adventures of Swan and Townley on the Coast of New Spain, 

until their Separation. 

HH H E South Sea adventures of the buccaneer Chief Davis 
being brought to a conclusion, the next related will be 
those of Swan and his crew in the Cygnet, they being the first 
of the Buccaneers who after the battle in the Bay of Panama 
left the South Sea. William Dampier who was in Swan's ship, 
kept a Journal of their proceedings, which is published, and the 
manuscript also has been preserved. 

Swan and Townley, the reader may recollect, were left by 
Edward Davis in the harbour of Ria Lexa, in the latter part of 
August 1685, and had agreed to keep company together West- 
ward towards the entrance of the Gulf of California. 

They remained at Ria Lexa some days longer to take in fresh 
water, ' such as it was/ and they experienced from it the same 
bad effects which it had on Davis's men ; for, joined to the 
unwholesomeness of the place, it produced a malignant fever, 
by which several were carried off. 

On September the 3d, they put to sea, four sail in company, 
i. e. the Cygnet, Townley 's ship, and two tenders ; the total of 
the crews being 340 men. 

The season was not favourable for getting Westward along 
this coast. Westerly winds were prevalent, and scarcely a day 
passed without one or two violent tornadoes, which were ac- 
companied with frightful flashes of lightning, and claps of 
thunder, ' the like/ says Dampier, « I did never meet with 
* before nor since/ These tornadoes generally came out of 

the 



CHAP, lb 

< ' 

Swan 

and 

Townley. 



1685. 
August. 



Bad Water, 

andUnheal- 

thiness of 

Ria Lexa. 



September. 

On the 

Coast of 
New Spain. 



Tornadoes. 



214 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 38. 

— . , ^.i , -> 

1685. 

September. 

On the 

Coast of 
New Spain. 



October. 



Island 
Tangola. 



the NE, very fierce, and did not last long. When the tornado 
was passed, the wind again settled Westward. On account of 
these storms, Swan and Townley kept a large offing; but 
towards the end of the month, the weather became settled. 
On the 24th, Townley, and 106 men in nine canoes, went 
on Westward, whilst the ships lay by two days with furled sails, 
to give them time to get well forward, by which they would 
come the more unexpectedly upon any place along the coast. 

Townley proceeded, without finding harbour or inlet, to the 
Bay of Tecuantepeque, where putting ashore at a sandy beach, 
the canoes were all overset by the surf, one man drowned, and 
some muskets lost. Townley however drew the canoes up dry, 
and marched into the country ; but notwithstanding that they 
had not discovered any inlet on the coast, they found the country 
intersected with great creeks not fordable, and were forced 
to return to their canoes. A body of Spaniards and Indians 
came to reconnoitre them, from the town of Tecuantepeque, to 
seek which place was the chief purpose of the Buccaneers when 
they landed. ' The Spanish books/ says Dampier, ' mention 

* a large river there, but whether it was run away at this time, 
' or rather that Captain Townley and his men were shortsighted, 

* I know not; but they did not find it/ 

October the 2d, the canoes returned to the ships. The wind 
was fresh and fair from the ENE, and they sailed Westward, 
keeping within short distance of the shore, but found neither 
harbour nor opening. They had soundings all the way, the 
depth being 21 fathoms, a coarse sandy bottom, at eight miles 
distance from the land. Having run about 20 leagues along 
the coast, they came to a small high Island called Tangola, on 
which they found wood and water; and near it, good anchorage. 
' This Island is about a league distant from the main, which 
1 is pretty high, and savannah land by the sea ; but within land 

' it 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 215 

it is higher and woody/ * We coasted a league farther, chap. 18. 

and came to Guatulco, in latitude 15° 30', which is one of the f gg^ 
best ports in this Kingdom of Mexico. Near a mile from the October, 
mouth of the harbour, on the East side, is a little Island close Guatulco. 
by the main-land. On the West side of the mouth of the El Buffadore, 
harbour, is a great hollow rock, which by the continual work- a Rock!^ 
ing of the sea in and out, makes a great noise, and may be 
heard a great way ; every surge that comes in, forces the 
water out at a little hole at the top, as out of a pipe, from 
whence it flies out just like the blowing of a whale, to which 
the Spaniards liken it, and call it El Buffadore. Even at the 
calmest seasons, the beating of the sea makes the waterspout 
out at the hole, so that this is always a good mark to find 
the harbour of Guatulco by. The harbour runs in NW, is The 

i i mi i -i i i mi -1*7 • i Harbour of 

about three miles deep, and one mile broad. Ine West side Guatulco. 
of the harbour is the best for small ships to ride in : any 
where else you are open to SW winds, which often blow here. 
There is clean ground any where, and good gradual soundings 
from 1 6 to 6 fathoms : it is bounded by a smooth sandy shore, 
good for landing; and at the bottom of the harbour is a fine 
brook of fresh water running into the sea. The country 
is extraordinary pleasant and delightful to behold at a 
distance *.' 

There appeared to be so few inhabitants at this part of the 
coast, that the Buccaneers were not afraid to land their sick. 
A party of men went Eastward to seek for houses and inha- 
bitants, and at a league distance from Guatulco they found a river, 
named bythe Spaniards El Capalita, which had a swift current, 
and was deep at the entrance. They took a few Indians prisoners, 
but learnt nothing of the country from them. On the 6th,Town!ey 
with 140 men marched fourteen miles inland, and in all that way 

found 

* Dampier, Vol. I, Chap. 8. 



216 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

1 8. found only one small Indian village, the inhabitants of which 



CHAP.ll 



1685. cultivated and cured a plant called Vinello, which grows on 
October, a vine, and is used to perfume chocolate, and sometimes 
, v {? e]1 °' tobacco. 

or Vanilla, 

a Plant. The 10th, the canoes were sent Westward ; and on the 12th, 
the ships followed, the crews being well recovered of the PiaLexa 
fever. ' The coast (from Guatulco) lies along West and a little 

* Southerly for 20 or 30 leagues*/ On account of a current 
which set Eastward, they anchored near a small green Island 

Island named Sacrificio, about a league to the West of Guatulco, and 

Sacnficio. j ia |f a m jj e f rom ^q ma in. In the channel between, was five 

or six fathoms depth, and the tide ran there very swift. 

p orfc They advanced Westward; but slowly. The canoes were 

de Angeles. a g am overset in attempting to land near Port de Angeles, at a 

place where cattle were seen feeding, and another man was 

drowned. Dampier says, * We were at this time abreast of 

* Port de Angeles, but those who had gone in the canoes did 

* not know it, because the Spaniards describe it to be as 
' good a harbour as Guatulco. It is a broad open bay with 
4 two or three rocks at the West side. There is good anchorage 
' all over the bay in depth from 30 to 12 fathoms, but you are 
' open to all winds till you come into 12 fathoms, and then you 
' are sheltered from the WSW, which is here the common trade- 
' wind. Here always is a great swell, and landing is bad. The 
£ place of landing is close by the West side, behind a few 
1 rocks. Latitude 15° N. The tide rises about five feet. The 
i land round Port de Angeles is pretty high, the earth sandy 
' and yellow, in some places red.' The Buccaneers landed at 
Port de Angeles, and supplied themselves with cattle, hogs, 
poultry, maize, and salt; and a large party of them remained 
feasting three days at a farm-house. The 27th, they sailed 
on Westward. 

Some 

* Dampier, Vol. I, Chap. 9. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA* 217 

Some of their canoes in seeking Port de Angeles had been as ch a p. 18. 
far Westward as Acapulco. In their way back, they found a ^Ss. 
river, into which they went, and filled fresh water. Afterwards, October, 
they entered a lagune or lake of salt water, where fishermen N ^ w Sp a i n< 
had cured, and stored up fish, of which the Buccaneers took 
away a quantity. 

On the evening of the 27th, Swan and Townley anchored in Adventure 
16 fathoms depth, near a small rocky Island, six leagues West- j^* ae 
ward of Port de Angeles, and about half a mile distant from the 
main land. The next day they sailed on, and in the night of 
the 28th, being abreast the lagune above mentioned, a canoe 
manned with twelve men was sent to bring off more of the 
fish. The entrance into the lagune was not more than pistol- 
shot wide, and on each side were rocks, high enough and con- 
venient to skreen or conceal men. The Spaniards having 
more expectation of this second visit than they had of the first, 
a party of them, provided with muskets, took station behind 
these rocks. They waited patiently till the canoe of the Buc- 
caneers was fairly within the lagune, and then fired their volley, 
and wounded five men. The buccaneer crew were not a little 
surprised, yet returned the fire ; but not daring to repass the 
narrow entrance, they rowed to the middle of the lagune, 
where they lay out of the reach of shot. There was no other pas- 
sage out but the one by which they had entered, which besides 
being so narrow was a quarter of a mile in length, and it was 
too desperate an undertaking to attempt to repass it. Not 
knowing what else to do, they lay still two whole days and 
three nights in hopes of relief from the ships. 

It was not an uncommon circumstance among the Bucca- 
neers, for parties sent away on any particular design, to un- 
dertake some new adventure ; the long absence of the canoe 
therefore created little surprise in the ships, which lay off at sea 

F f waiting 



aifr BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

6 ha- p. 18. waiting without solicitude for her return ; till Townley's snip 
1685. happening to stand nearer to the shore than the rest, heard 
November, muskets fired in the lagune. He then sent a strong party in his 
Coast of canoes, which obliged the Spaniards to retreat from the rocks, 
and leave the passage free for the hitherto penned-up Bucca- 
neers. Dampier gives the latitude of this lagune, i about 
1 6° '40' N/ 
Alcatraz They coasted on Westward, with fair weather, and a current 
setting to the West. On November the 2d, they passed a rock 
called by the Spaniards the Alcatraz (Pelican.) 'Five or six 
White * miles to the West of the rock are seven or eight white cliffs, 
' which are remarkable, because there are none other so white 

* and so thick together on all the coast. A dangerous shoal 
' lies S bW from these cliffs, four or five miles off at sea. Two 

River to the ' leagues to the West of these cliffs is a pretty large river, which 
I^Vflf * forms a small Island at its mouth. The channel on the East 

the (Jirrs. 

* side is shoal and sandy ; the West channel is deep enough for 

* canoes to enter/ The Spaniards had raised a breastwork on 
the banks of this channel, and they made a show of resisting 
the Buccaneers ; but seeing they were determined on landing, 
they quitted the place; on which Dampier honestly remarks, 
' One chief reason why the Spaniards are so frequently routed 
■' by us, though much our superiors in number, is, their want of 
*. fire-arms ; for they have but few unless near their large 

* garrisons.' 

Snook, A large quantity of salt intended for salting the fish caught 

a Fish. - m t j ie ] a g Une? was taken here. Dampier says, 'The fish in 

' these lagunes were of a kind called Snooks, which are neither 

' sea-fish nor fresh-water fish; it is about a foot long, round, and 

* as thick as the small of a man's leg, has a pretty long head, 
4 whitish scales, and is good meat/ 

A Mulatto whom they took prisoner told them that a ship 

of 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 219 

of twenty guns had lately arrived at Acapulco from Lima. chap. 18 . 
Townley and his crew had long been dissatisfied with their ship ; 1685. 
and in hopes of getting a better, they stood towards the har- November. 
bour of Acapulco. On the 7th, they made the high land over 7 tb _- 
Acapulco, ' which is remarkable by a round hill standing ° of 
■ between two other hills, both higher, the Westernmost of Aca P ulco - 
' which is the biggest and the highest, and has two hillocks 
* like two paps at the top/ Dampier gives the latitude of 
Acapulco 17° N *. 

This was not near the usual time either of the departure or 
of the arrival of the Manila ships, and except at those times, 
Acapulco is almost deserted on account of the situation being 
unhealthy. Acapulco is described hot, unwholesome, pestered 
with gnats, and having nothing good but the harbour. Mer- 
chants depart from it as soon as they have transacted their 
business. Townley accordingly expected to bring off the Lima 
ship quietly, and with little trouble. In the evening of the 7th, 
the ships being then so far from land that they could not be 
descried, Townley with 140 men departed in twelve canoes for 
the harbour of Acapulco. They did not reach Port Marques till 
the second night ; and on the third night they rowed softly and 
unperceived' by the Spaniards into Acapulco Harbour. They 
found the Lima ship moored close to the castle, and, after 
reconnoitring, thought it would not be in their power to bring 
her off; so they paddled back quietly out of the harbour, and 
returned to their ships, tired and disappointed. 

Westward from the Port of Acapulco, they passed a sandy Sandy 

JjPri on 

bay or beach above twenty leagues in length, the sea all the West of 

way Aca P ulco ' 

* Late Observations place Acapulco in latitude 16 50' 4i // N, and longitude 
soo° o / West of Greenwich. 

F F 2 



220 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 18 . wa y beating with such force on the shore that a boat could not 
1685. approach with safety. ' There was clean anchoring ground at 

November. < a mile or two from the shore. At the West end of this Bay, 
Hill of « i n 17 ° 30' N, is the Hill of Pet apian, which is a round point 

* stretching out into the sea, and at a distance seems an Island *.' 
This was reckoned twenty-five leagues from Acapulco. A little 
to the West of the hill are several round white rocks. They 
sailed within the rocks, having 1 1 fathoms depth, and anchored 
on the NW side of the hill. Their Mosquito men took here 
some small turtle and small jew-fish. 

They landed, and at an Indian village took a Mulatto 
woman and her children, whom they carried on board. They 
learnt from her that a caravan drawn by mules was going with 
flour and other goods to Acapulco, but that the carrier had 
stopped on the road from apprehension of the Buccaneers. 
Chequetan. The ships weighed their anchors, and ran about two leagues 
farther Westward, to a place called Chequetan, which Dampier 
thus describes : ' A mile and a half from the shore is a small 
' Key (or Island) and within it is a very good harbour, where 

* ships may careen : here is also a small river of fresh water, 
' and wood enough.' 

14th. On the 14th, in the morning, about a hundred Buccaneers set 

off in search of the carrier, taking the woman prisoner for a 
guide. They landed a league to the West of Chequetan, at a 

Estapa. place called Estapa, and their conductress led them through a 
wood, by the side of a river, about a league, which brought 
them to a savannah full of cattle; and here at a farm-house 
the carrier and his mules were lodged. He had 40 packs of 
flour, some chocolate, small cheeses, and earthenware. The 
eatables, with the addition of eighteen beeves which they 

killed, 

* Dampier. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 221 

killed, the Buccaneers laid on the backs of above fifty mules chap. 18. 
which were at hand, and drove them to their boats. A present jgg^ 
of clothes was made to the woman, and she, with two of her November. 
children, were set at liberty; but the other child, a boy seven Coast of 

. , i i o 1 1 • /* New Spain. 

or eight years old, bwan kept, against the earnest intreaties or 
the mother. Dampier says, ' Captain Swan promised her to 
* make much of hiin, and was -as good as his word. He proved 
4 afterwards a fine boy for wit, courage, and dexterity/ 

They proceeded Westward along the coast, which was high 21st - 
land full of ragged hills, but with pleasant and fruitful vallies 
between. The 25th, they were abreast a hill, ' which towered ■. ,} 1 

J ... Thelupan. 

' above his fellows, and was divided in the top, making two 

' small parts. It is in latitude 1 8° 8' N. The Spaniards men- 

' tion a town called Thelupan near this hill/ 

The 26th, the Captains Swan and Townley went in the 
canoes with 200 men, to seek the city of Colima, which was 
reported to be a rich place : but their search was fruitless. 
They rowed 20 leagues along shore, and found no good place 
for landing ; neither did they see house or inhabitant, although 
they passed by a fine valley, called the Valley of Magaella, 
except that towards the end of their expedition, they saw 
a horseman, who they supposed had been stationed as a 
sentinel, for he rode off immediately on their appearance. 
They landed with difficulty, and followed the track of the horse 
on the sand, but lost it in the woods. 

On the 28th, they saw the Volcano of Colima, which is in about 28th. 
1-8° 36' N latitude, five or six leagues from the sea, and appears Volcano of 
with two sharp points, from each of which issued flames or 
smoke. The Valley of Colima is ten or twelve leagues wide by Valley of 
the sea : it abounds in cacao-gardens, fields of corn, and plan- Couma ' 
tain walks. The coast is a sandy shore, on which the waves 
beat with violence. Eastward of the Valley the land is woody. 

A river 



222 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 18. A river ran here into the sea, with a shoal or bar at its entrance? 
1685. which boats could not pass. On the West side of the river was 

December, savannah land. 

Salagua. December the 1st, they were near the Port o£ Salagua, which 
Dampier reckoned in latitude 18° 52' N. He says, ' it is only 
' a pretty deep bay, divided in the middle with a rocky point, 
1 which makes, as it were, two harbours*. Ships may ride 
4 secure in either, but the West harbour is the best : the depth 
' of water is 1 or 1 2 fathom, and a brook of fresh water runs 
' into the sea there/ 

Report of Two hundred Buccaneers landed at Salagua, and finding a 

Citynamed broad road which led inland, they followed it about four leagues, 
Oarrah. over a dry stony country, much overgrown with short wood, 
without seeing habitation or inhabitant ; but in their return, they 
met and took prisoners two Mulattoes, who informed them that 
the road they had been travelling led to a great city called 
Oarrah, which was distant as far as a horse will travel in four 
days ; and that there was no place of consequence nearer. The 
same prisoner said the Manila ship was daily expected to stop 
at this part of the coast to land passengers ; for that the arrival 
of the ships at Acapulco from the Philippines commonly hap- 
pened about Christmas, and scarcely ever more than eight or 
ten days before or after. 

Swan and Town ley sailed on for Cape Corrientes. Many 
among the crews were at this time taken ill with a fever and 
ague, which left the patients dropsical. Dampier says, the dropsy 
is a disease very common on this coast. He was one of the 
sufferers, and continued ill a long time ; and several died of it. 
The Land The coast Southward of Cape Corrientes, is of moderate 

near Cape i ie i<rht, and full of white cliffs. The inland country is high and 

Corrientes. to J & 

barren, with sharp peaked hills. Northward of this rugged land, 

is 

* See Chart in Spilbergen's Voyage. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. feN 

h a chain of mountains which terminates Eastward with a high chap. 18 . 
steep mountain, which has three sharp peaks and resembles a jjggg. 
crown ; and is therefore called by the Spaniards Coronada. On December. 
the 11th they came in sight of Cape Corrientes. When the Cape e<» tiarfa 
bore NbW, the Coronada mountain bore ENE *. Hills. 

On arriving off Cape Corrientes, the buccaneer vessels spread, Cape 
for the advantage of enlarging their lookout, the Cygnet taking Corrientes. 
the outer station at about ten leagues distance from the Cape. 
Provisions however soon became scarce, on which account 
Townley's tender and some of the canoes were sent to the land 
to seek a supply. The canoes rowed up along shore against 
a Northerly wind to the Bay de Vanderas ; but the bark could 
not get round Cape Corrientes. On the 18th, Townley com- 18th. 
plained he wanted fresh water, whereupon the ships quitted 
their station near the Cape, and sailed to some small Islands 
called the Keys of Chametly, which are situated to the SE of 
Cape Corrientes, to take in fresh water. 

The descriptions of the coast of New Spain given by Dampier, 
in his account of his vovage with the Buccaneers, contain 
many particulars of importance which are not to be found in 
any other publication. Dam pier's manuscript and the printed 
Narrative frequently differ, and it is sometimes apparent that 
the difference is not the effect of inadvertence, or mistake in 
the press, but that it was intended as a correction from a 
reconsideration of the subject. The printed Narrative says at Keys or 
this part, ' These Keys or Islands of Chametly are about 16 or Islands of 
4 1 8 leagues to the Eastward of Cape Corrientes. They are 
* small, low, woody, and environed with rocks. There are 
4 five of them lying in the form of a half moon, not a mile from 
'• the shore of the main, and between them and the main land 

1 is 

* Dampier's Manuscript Journal. 



224 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 18. * is very good riding secure from any wind */ In the raanu- 
1685. script it is said, ' the Islands Chametly make a secure port. 
December. ' They lie eight or nine leagues from Port Navidad.' 
Keys or it [ s necessary to explain that Dampier, in describing his 

Islands of j r . r & 

Chametly ; navigation along the coast of New Spain, uses the terms East- 
ward and Westward, not according to the precise meaning of 
the words, but to signify being more or less advanced along the 
coast from the Bay of Panama. By Westward, he invariably 
means more advanced towards the Gulf of California ; by 
Eastward, the contrary. 
Form a The ships entered within the Chametly Islands by the channel 

COI port ^ at tne ^ en ^' an ^ anchored in five fathoms depth, on a bottom 
of clean sand. They found there good fresh water and wood, 
and caught plenty of rock-fish with hook and line. No inha- 
bitants were seen, but there were huts, made for the temporary 
convenience of fishermen who occasionally went there to fish 
for the inhabitants of the city of La Purificacion. These Islands, 
forming a commodious port affording fresh water and other 
conveniences, from the smallness of their size are not made 
visible in the Spanish charts of the coast of New Spain in 
present use-f-. Whilst the ships watered at the Keys or Isles of 
Chametly, a party was sent to forage on the main land, whence 
they carried off about 40 bushels of maize. 

On the 22d, they left the Keys of Chametly, and returned to 
their cruising station off Cape Corrientes, where they were 
rejoined by the canoes which had been to the Bay de Vanderas. 
Thirty-seven men had landed there from the canoes, who went 
three miles into the country, where they encountered a body of 
Spaniards, consisting both of horse and foot. The Buccaneers 

took 

* Dampier, Vol. I, p. 257. 

•f In some old manuscript Spanish Charts, the Chametly Isles are laid dowr* 
SE|S about 12 leagues distant from Cape Corrientes. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 



225 



took benefit of a small wood for shelter against the attack of 
the horse, yet the Spaniards rode in among them ; but the 
Spanish Captain and some of their foremost men being killed, 
the rest retreated. Four of the Buccaneers were killed, and 
two desperately wounded. The Spanish infantry were more 
numerous than the horse, but they did not join in the attack, 
because they were armed only with lances and swords ; ' never- 
theless/ says Dampier, ' if they had come in, they would cer- 
4 tainly have destroyed all our men.' The Buccaneers conveyed 
their two wounded men to the water side on horses, one of 
which, when they arrived at their canoes, they killed and drest ; 
not daring to venture into the savannah for a bullock, though 
they saw many grazing. 

Swan and Townley preserved their station off Cape Corrientes 
only till the 1st of January, 1686, when their crews became 
impatient for fresh meat, and they stood into the Bay de 
Vanderas, to hunt for beef. The depth of water in this Bay is 
very great, and the ships were obliged to anchor in 60 fathoms. 

4 The Valley of Vanderas is about three leagues wide, with a 
4 sandy bay against the sea, and smooth landing. In the 
4 midst of this bay (or beach) is a fine river, into which boats 
4 may enter ; but it is brackish at the latter part of the dry 
* season, which is in March, and part of April. The Valley is 
4 enriched with fruitful savannahs, mixed with groves of trees 
4 fit for any use ; and fruit-trees grow wild in such plenty as if 
' nature designed this place only for a garden. The savannahs 
4 are full of fat bulls and cows, and horses; but no house 
4 was in sight/ 

Here they remained hunting beeves, till the 7th of the month. 
Two hundred and forty men landed every day, sixty of whom 
were stationed as a guard, whilst the rest pursued the cattle ; 
the Spaniards all the time appearing in large companies on 

G g the 



CHAP. 18 
l68 5 . 

December. 



•1686. 

January. 

Bay de 

Vanderas. 



Valley of 
Vanderas. 



226 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 18. the nearest hills. The Buccaneers killed and salted meat suffi- 
1686. cient to serve them two months, which expended all their salt. 

January. Whilst they were thus occupied in the pleasant valley of 

Valley of Vanderas, the galeon from Manila sailed past Cape Corrientes, 
and pursued her course in safety to Acapulco. This they learnt 
afterwards from prisoners ; but it was by no means unexpected : 
on the contrary, they were in general so fully persuaded it 
would be the consequence of their going into the Bay de 
Vanderas, that they gave up all intention of cruising for her 
afterwards. 

Swan and The main object for which Townley had gone thus far 
°part 6y Northward being disposed of, he and his crew resolved to 

company, return Southward. Some Darien Indians had remained to 
this time with Swan : they were now committed to the care 
of Townley, and the two ships broke off consortship, and parted 
company. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 



227 



CHAP. XIX. 

The Cygnet and her Crew on the Coast of Nueva Galicia, and 
at the Tres Marias Islands. 

CWAN and his crew determined before they quitted the chap. 19. 

American coast, to visit some Spanish towns farther i686\~ 
North, in the neighbourhood of rich mines, where they hoped January, 
to find good plunder, and to increase their stock of provisions C? ast of 
for the passage across the Pacific to India. Galicia. 

January the 7th, the Cygnet and her tender sailed from the Point 
Valley of Vanderas, and before night, passed Point Ponteque, the on eque ' 
Northern point of the Vanderas Bay. Point Ponteque is high, 
round, rocky, and barren: at a distance it makes like an 
Island. Dampier reckoned it 10 leagues distant, in a direction 
N 20° W, from Cape Corrientes ; the variation of the compass 
observed near the Cape being 4° 28' Easterly*. 

A league West from Point Ponteque are two small barren 
Islands, round which lie scattered several high, sharp, white 
rocks. The Cygnet passed on the East side of the two Islands, 
the channel between them and Point Ponteque appearing clear 
of danger. ' The sea-coast beyond Point Ponteque runs in NE, 
1 all ragged land, and afterwards out again NNW, making 
' many ragged points, with small sandy bays between. The 

* land by the sea is low and woody ; but the inland country is 

* full of high, sharp, rugged, and barren hills/ 

Along this coast they had light sea and land breezes, and 
fair weather. They anchored every evening, and got under sail 

in 



* 'According to Captain Vancouver, Point Ponteque and Cape Corrientes are 
nearly North and South of each other. Dampier was nearest in-shore. 

G G 2 



228 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 39 . in the morning with the land-wind. On the 14th, they had sight 
1686. of a small white rock, which had resemblance to a ship under 
January, sail. Dampier gives its latitude 21° 51' N, and its distance 
14th. from Cape Corrientes 34 leagues. It is three leagues from the 
White main, with depth in the channel, near the Island, twelve or 
21 53/ N. fourteen fathoms. 
i 5 th. The 15th, at noon, the latitude was 22° ll'N. The coast 

l6th here lay in a NNW direction. The 16th, they steered ' NNW 
as the land runs.' At noon the latitude was 22° 41' N. The 
coast was sandy and shelving, with soundings at six fathoms 
depth a league distant. The sea set heavy on the shore. They 
caught here many cat-fish. 
20th. On the 20th, they anchored a league to the East of a small 

Chametlan g rou p e f Isles, named the Chametlan Isles, after the name 
23 11' N. of the District or Captainship (Alcaldia mayor) in the province 
of Culiacan, opposite to which they are situated. Dampier calls 
them the Isles of Chametly, i different from the Isles or Keys of 
6 Chametly at which we had before anchored. These are six 
4 small Islands in latitude 23° 1 1' N, about three leagues distant 
' from the main-land *, where a salt lake has its outlet into 
' the sea. Their meridian distance from Cape Corrientes is 
* 23 leagues [West.] The coast here, and for about ten leagues 
' before coming abreast these Islands, lies NW and SE.' 
The On the Chametlan Isles they found guanoes, and seals ; and 

Fruit. a fruit °f a sharp pleasant taste, by Dampier called the Pen- 
guin fruit, ' of a kind which grows so abundantly in the Bay 
of Campeachy that there is no passing for their high prickly 
leaves/ 
Rio de Sal, In the main-land, six or seven leagues NNW from the Isles 
Salt-water f Chametlan, is a narrow opening into a lagune, with depth of 
Lagune, water sufficient for boats to enter. This lagune extends along 

23° 30' N. GO 

the 



* The Manuscript says, the farthest of the Chametlan Isles from the main-land 
is not more than four miles distant. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 



229 



the back of the sea-beach about 1 2 leagues, and makes many 
low Mangrove Islands. The latitude given of the entrance 
above-mentioned is 23° 30' N, and it is. called by the Spaniards 
Rio de Sal. 

Half a degree Northward of Rio de Sal was said to be the 
River Culiacan, with a rich Spanish town of the same name. 
Swan went with the canoes in search of it, and followed the 
coast 30 leagues from abreast the Chametlan Isles, without find- 
ing any river to the North of the Rio de Sal. All the coast was 
low and sandy, and the sea beat high on the shore. The ships 
did not go farther within the Gulf than to 23° 45' N, in which 
latitude, on the 30th, they anchored in eight fathoms depth, 
three miles distant from the main-land ; the meridian distance 
from Cape Corrientes being 34 leagues West, by Dampier's 
reckoning. 

In their return Southward, Swan with the canoes, entered 
the Rio de Sal Lagune, and at an estancian on the Western side, 
they took the owner prisoner. They found in his house a few 
bushels of maize; but the cattle had been driven out of their 
reach. Dampier relates, 4 The old Spanish gentleman who was 
4 taken at the Estancian near the Rio de Sal was a very intel- 

* ligent person. He had been a great traveller in the kingdom 

* of Mexico, and spoke the Mexican language very well. He 
( said it is a copious language, and much esteemed by the 

* Spanish gentry in those parts, and of great use all over the 
6 kingdom ; and that many Indian languages had some de- 
4 pendency on it/ 

The town of Mazatlan was within 5 leagues of the NE part of 
the lagune, and Swan with 150 men went thither. The inhabitants 
wounded some of the Buccaneers with arrows, but could make 
no effectual resistance. There were rich mines near Mazatlan, 
and the Spaniards of Compostella, which is the chief town in this 

district, 



CHAP. ip. 

1686. 
January. 

Coast of 
Nueva 
Galicia. 



30th. 



The 

Mexican, 

a copious 

Language. 



Mazatlan. 



£30 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

cha p. 19. district, kept slaves at work in them. The Buccaneers however 

a 686. found no gold here, but carried off some Indian corn. 

February February the 2d, the canoes went to an Indian town called 

Rosario Rosario, situated on the banks of a river and nine miles within 

an Indian its entrance. * Rosario was a fine little town of 60 or 70 houses, 

with a good church/ The river produced gold, and mines 

were in the neighbourhood ; but here, as at Mazatlan, they got 

no other booty than Indian corn, of which they conveyed to 

their ships between 80 and 90 bushels. 

3d. On the 3d, the ships anchored near the River Rosario in seven 

Kiver fathoms oozy ground, a league from the shore; the latitude of 

22 51' N. the entrance of the river 22° 5 1' N. A small distance within the 

Sugar-loaf coast and bearing NE b N from the ship, was a round hill like 

■ k a sugar-loaf; and North Westward of that hill, was another 

Cavalli. * pretty long hill/ called Caput Cavalli, or the Horses Head. 

8th. On the 8th, the canoes were sent to search for a river named 

the Oleta, which was understood to lie in latitude 22° 27' N ; 

but the weather proving foggy they could not find it. 

nth. On the 11th, they anchored abreast the South point of the 

entrance of a river called the River de Santiago, in seven 

fathoms soft oozy bottom, about two miles from the shore ; a 

Maxenteibo hioh w hite rock, called Maxentelbo. bore from their anchorage 
Rock. < . • . ' ... 

"WNW, distant about three leagues, and a high hill in the 

Hill of country, with a saddle or bending, called the Hill Xalisco, 
Xalisco, bore SE> <The River s L j a ~ i s i n latitude 22° 15'N, the 

River of . . 

Santiago, ' entrance lies East and West with the Rock Maxenteibo. It is 

22°i5 / JS. t one Q |- t ^ ]e p r i nc ipal rivers on this coast : there is ten feet 
4 water on the bar at low water ; but how much the tide rises 
4 and tails, was not observed. The mouth of the river is nearly 
* halt a mile broad, with very smooth entering. Within the 
' entrance it widens, for three or four rivers meet there, and issue 
4 all out together. The water is brackish a great way up ; but 

4 fresh 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 



231 



CHAP. 19 

1686. 

February. 

Coast of 
Nueva 
Galicia. 

River of 

Santiago. 



* fresh water is to be had bj digging two or three feet deep in 
' a sandy bay just at the mouth of the river. Northward of the 
' entrance, and NEbE from Maxentelbo, is a round white rock/ 

' Between the latitudes 22° 4i' and 22° 10' N, which includes 

* the River de Santiago, the coast lies NNW and SSE *.' 

No inhabitants were seen near the entrance of the River 
St. Iago, but the country had a fruitful appearance, and Swan sent 
seventy men in four canoes up the river, to seek for some town 
or village. After two days spent in examining different creeks 
and rivers, they came to a field of maize which was nearly ripe, 
and immediately began to gather ; but whilst they were loading 
the canoes, they saw an Indian, whom they caught, and from 
him they learnt that at four leagues distance from them was a 
town named S fa Pecaque. With this information they returned 
to the ship ; and the same evening, Swan with eight canoe3 and 
140 men, set off for S ta Pecaque, taking the Indian for a guide. 
This was on the 15th of the month. 

They rowed during the night about five leagues up the river, 
and at six o'clock in the morning, landed at a place where it 
was about a pistol-shot wide, with pretty high banks on each 
side, the country plain and even. Twenty men were left with 
the canoes, and Swan with the rest marched towards the town, 
by a road which led partly through woodland, and partly 
through savannas well stocked w T ith cattle. They arrived at 
the town by ten in the forenoon, and entered without oppo- 
sition, the inhabitants having quitted it on their approach. 

The town of Santa Pecaque was small, regularly built after Town of 
the Spanish mode, with a Parade in the middle, and balconies stapeca< l ue - 
to the houses which fronted the parade. It had two churches. 
The inhabitants were mostly Spaniards, and their principal 
occupation was husbandry. It is distant from Compost ella 
about 2 1 leagues. Compostella itself was at that time reckoned 

not 



16th. 



* Dampier, Vol. I, Chap. 9. 



g32 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 19. not to contain more than seventy white families, which made 

* * ' 

1686. about one-eighth part of its inhabitants. 

Febrnary. There were large storehouses, with maize, salt-fish, salt, and 
Coast of sugar, at Santa Pecaque, provisions being kept, there for the 
Galicia. subsistence of some hundreds of slaves who worked in silver 
At mines not far distant. The chief purpose for which the Cygnet 
qu ' had come so far North on this coast was to get provisions, and 
here was more than sufficient to supply her wants. For trans- 
porting it to their canoes, Swan divided the men into two 
parties, which it was agreed should go alternately, one party 
constantly to remain to guard the stores in the town. The 
afternoon of the first day was passed in taking rest and refresh- 
17th. ment, and in collecting horses. The next morning, fifty-seven 
men, with a number of horses laden with maize, each man also 
carrying a small quantity, set out for the canoes, to which they 
arrived, and safely deposited their burthens. The Spaniards 
had given some disturbance to the men who guarded the 
canoes, and had wounded one, on which account they were 
reinforced with seven men from the carrying party ; and in the 
afternoon, the fifty returned to Santa Pecaque. Only one trip 
was made in the course of the day. 
18th. On the morning of the 18th, the party which had guarded 

the town the day before, took their turn for carrying. They 
loaded 24 horses, and every man had his burthen. This day 
they took a prisoner, who told them, that nearly a thousand 
men, of all colours, Spaniards, Indians, Negroes, and Mulattoes, 
were assembled at the town of Santiago, which was only three 
leagues distant from Santa Pecaque. This information made 
Captain Swan of opinion, that separating his men was attended 
with much danger ; and he determined that the next morning he 
would quit the town with the whole party. In the mean time 
he employed his men to catch as many horses as they could, 
that when they departed they might carry otf a good load. 

On 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 233 

On the 1 9th, Swan called his men out early, and gave order c h a v. i 9 . 
to prepare for marching ; but the greater number refused to j.686. 
alter the mode they had first adopted, and said they would not February 
abandon the town until all the provision in it was conveyed to A | an ^ 
the canoes. Swan was forced to acquiesce, and to allow one- Pecaque. 
half of the company to go as before. They had fifty-four 
horses laden ; Swan advised them to tie the horses one to 
another, and the men to keep in two bodies, twenty-five before, 
and the same number behind. His directions however were not 
followed : * the men would go their own way, every man 
leading his horse/ The Spaniards had before observed their 
careless manner of marching, and had prepared their plan of 
attack for this morning, making choice of the ground they 
thought most for their advantage, and placing men there in 
ambush. The Buccaneer convoy had not been gone above a 
quarter of an hour when those who kept guard in the town, 
heard the report of guns. Captain Swan called on them to 
march out to the assistance of their companions ; but some 
even then opposed him, and spoke with contempt of the 
danger and their enemies, till two horses, saddled, with holsters, 
and without riders, came galloping into the town frightened, 
and one had at its side a carabine newly discharged. On this Buccaneers 
additional sign that some event had taken place which it im- de f ea n t( ;d 

. _, ' and slam 

ported them to know, Swan immediately marched out of the by the 

town, and all his men followed him. When they came to the s P aniarcls - 

place where the engagement had happened, they beheld their 

companions that had gone forth from the town that morning, 

every man lying dead in the road, stripped, and so mangled 

that scarcely any one could be known. This was the most 

severe defeat the Buccaneers suffered in all their South Sea 

enterprises. 

The party living very little exceeded the number of those 

H H who 



SS>A 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. lp. 

< * — ' 

1686. 

February. 

Coast of 
Nueva 
Galicia. 

At Santa 
Pecaque. 



March. 
At the 
Middle 
Island 
of the 
Tres Marias 



who lay dead before them, yet the Spaniards made no endea- 
vour to interrupt their retreat, either in their march to the 
canoes, or in their falling down the river, but kept at a distance. 
' It is probable,' says Dampier, « the Spaniards did not cut off 
1 so many of our men without loss of many of their own. We 
■ lost this day fifty-four Englishmen and nine blacks ; and 
' among the slain was my ingenious friend Mr. Ringrose, who 

* wrote that part of the History of the Buccaneers which relates 
4 to Captain Sharp. He had engaged in this voyage as super- 

* cargo of Captain Swan's ship/ — ■* Captain Swan had been 

* forewarned by his astrologer of the great danger they were in ; 
4 and several of the men who went in the first party had 
6 opposed the division of their force : some of them foreboded 

* their misfortune, and heard as they lay down in the church 

* in the night, grievous groanings which kept them from 
' sleeping *.' 

Swan and his surviving crew were discouraged from attempting 
any thing more on the coast of New Galicia, although they had 
laid up but a small stock of provisions. On the 21st, they 
sailed from the River of St. Jago for the South Cape of Cali- 
fornia, where it was their intention to careen the ship; but the 
wind had settled in the NW quarter, and after struggling against 
it a fortnight, on the 7th of March > they anchored in a bay 
at the East end of the middle of the Tres Marias Islands, in 
eight fathoms clean sand. The next day, they took a birth 
within a quarter of a mile of the shore, the outer points of the 
bay bearing ENE and SSW. 

None of the Tres Marias Islands were inhabited. Swan named 
the one at which he had anchored, Prince George's Island. 
Dampier describes them of moderate height, and the Western- 
most Island to be the largest of the three. « The soil is stony 

4 and 



* Manuscript Journal. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 2:35 



CHAP. 1( 



' and dry, producing much of a shrubby kind of wood, trouble- 

' some to pass ; but in some parts grow plenty of straight large 1686. 

' cedars. The sea-shore is sandy, and there, a green prickly March. 

* plant grows, whose leaves are much like the penguin leaf ; Tres M Jj as> 
' the root is like the root of the Se?npervive, but larger, and A Root 

' when baked in an oven is reckoned good to eat. The Indians Food 
! of California are said to have great part of their subsistence 

* from these roots. We baked some, but none of us greatly 

* cared for them. They taste exactly like the roots of our 
' English Burdock boiled/ 

At this Island were guanoes, raccoons, rabbits, pigeons, doves, 
fish, turtle, and seal. They careened here, and made a division 
of the store of provisions, two-thirds to the Cygnet and one- 
third to the Tender, ' there being one hundred eaters in the 
6 ship, and fifty on board the tender/ The maize they had 
saved measured 1£0 bushels. 

Dampier relates the following anecdote of himself at this A Dropsy 
place. ' I had been a long time sick of a dropsy, a distemper Sand Bath. 
' whereof many of our men died ; so here I was laid and covered 
' all but my head in the hot sand. I endured it near half an 
' hour, and then was taken out. I sweated exceedingly while 

* I was in the sand, and I believe it did me much good, for I 

* grew well soon after/ 

This was the dry season, and they could not find hefle a suffi- 
cient supply of fresh water, which made it necessary for them 
to return to the Continent. Before sailing, Swan landed a 
number of prisoners, Spaniards and Indians, which would have 
been necessary on many accounts besides that of the scanti- 
ness of provisions, if it had been his design to have proceeded 
forthwith Westward for the East Indies ; but as he was going 
again to the American coast, which was close at hand, the 
turning his prisoners ashore on a desolate Island, appears to 

h h 2 have 



Vanderas. 



236 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

CHA P - 1 9 - have been in revenge for the disastrous defeat sustained at 
1686. S ta Pecaque, and for the Spaniards having given no quarter on 
March, that occasion. 

Bay of They sailed on the 26th, and two days after, anchored in 
the Bay of Vanderas near the river at the bottom of the bay ; 
but the water of this river was now brackish. Search was 
made along the South shore of the bay, and two or three 
leagues towards Cape Corrientes, a small brook of good fresh 
water was found ; and good anchorage near to a small round 
Island which lies half a mile from the main, and about four 
leagues NEastward of the Cape. Just within this Island they 
brought the ships to anchor, in 25 fathoms depth, the brook 
bearing from them E \ N half a mile distant, and Point Ponteque 
NWbN six leagues. 

The Mosquito men struck here nine or ten jew-fish, the 
heads and finny pieces of which served for present consumption, 
and the rest was salted for sea-store. The maize and salted 
fish composed the whole of their stock of eatables for their 
passage across the Pacific, and at a very straitened allowance 
would scarcely be sufficient to hold out sixty days. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 237 



CHAP. XX. 

The Cygnet. Her Passage across the Pacific Ocean. At the 
Ladrones. At Mindanao. 

A/I ARCH the 31st, they sailed from the American coast, chap. 20. 

steering at first SW, and afterwards more Westerly till "TessT 
they were in latitude 13° N, in which parallel they kept. ' The March. 
6 kettle was boiled but once a day/ says Dampier, e and there The Cygnet 

n i • 1 a n i i <l uits tne 

* was no occasion to call the men to victuals. All hands came American 
6 up to see the Quarter-master share it, and he had need to be Coast - 

i exact. We had two dogs and two cats on board, and they 

4 likewise had a small allowance given them, and they waited 

c with as much eagerness to see it shared as we did.' In this 

passage they saw neither fish nor fowl of any kind, except at 

one time, when by Dampier's reckoning they were 4975 miles 

West from Cape Corrientes, and then, numbers of the sea-birds Largeflight 

called boobies were flying near the ships, which were supposed T oi . d jb 

to come from some rocks not far distant. Their longitude at Long. 180 . 

this time may be estimated at about 180 degrees from the 

meridian of Greenwich *. 

Fortunately, they had afresh trade-wind, and made great 
runs every day. « On May the.SOth, which/ says Dampier, ' we May 
' begin to call the 21st, we were in latitude 12°50'N, and 21st * 

* steering West. At two p. m. the bark tender being two leagues shoals and 
' ahead of the Cygnet, came into shoal water, and those on board ?, r ™ k T e /x S r 

1 plainly saw rocks under her, but no land was in sight. They 10 or u 

, \ i , leagues 

hauled froni the 



S end of 



* Dampier's Reckoning made the difference of longitude between Cape Cor- Guahan, 
rientes and the Island Guahan, 125 degrees; which is 16 degrees more than it 
has been found by modern observations. 



238 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 20 . < hauled on a wind to the South ward, and hove the lead, and found 

1686. ' but four fathoms water. They saw breakers to the Westward. 

May. ' They then wore round, and got their starboard tacks on board 

4 and stood Northward. The Cygnet in getting up to the bark, 

Bankde 4 ran over a shoal bank, where the bottom was seen, and fish 

an a osa. « amon g the rocks ; but the ship ran past it before we could 

4 heave the lead. Both vessels stood to the Northward, keep- 

4 ing upon a wind, and sailed directly North, having the wind 

4 at ENE, till five in the afternoon, having at that time run 

* eight miles and increased our latitude so many minutes. We 

4 then saw the Island Guam [Guahaii] bearing NNE, distant 

4 from us about eight leagues, w 7 hich gives the latitude of the 

4 Island (its South end) 13° 20' N. We did not observe the 

6 variation of the compass at Guam. At Cape Corrientes we 

4 found it 4° 28' Easterly, and an observation we made when 

4 we had gone about a third of the passage, shewed it to be 

4 the same. I am inclined to think it was less at Guam *.' 

The shoal above mentioned is called by the Spaniards the 
Banco de 'Santa Rosa, and the part over which the Cygnet 
passed, according to the extract from Dampier, is about 
SbWfW from the South end of Guahan, distant ten or 
eleven leagues. 
At Guahan. An hour before midnight, they anchored on the West side of 
Guahan, a mile from the shore. The Spaniards had here a 
small Fort, and a garrison of thirty soldiers ; but the Spanish 
Governor resided at another part of the Island. As the ships 
anchored, a Spanish priest in a canoe went on board, believing 
them to be Spaniards from Acapulco. He was treated with 
civility, but detained as a kind of hostage, to facilitate any 
negociation necessary for obtaining provisions ; and Swan sent 
a present to the Spanish Governor by the Indians of the canoe. 

No 



* Dampier. Manuscript Journal, and Vol. I, Chap. 10. of his printed Voyages. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 2:39 

No difficulty was experienced on this head. Both Spaniards, chap. 20 . 
and the few natives seen here, were glad to dispose of their a 6SS. 
provisions to so good a market as the buccaneer ships. Dam- May. 
pier conjectured the number of the natives at this time on At the 
Guahan not to exceed a hundred. In the last insurrection, Guahan. 
which was a short time before Eaton stopped at the Ladrones, 
the natives, finding they could not prevail against the Spa- 
niards, destroyed their plantations, and went to other Islands. 
' Those of the natives who remained in Guahan,' says Dampier, 

* if they were not actually concerned in that broil, their hearts 
6 were bent against the Spaniards ; for they offered to carry us 
' to the Fort and assist us to conquer the Island/ 

Whilst Swan lay at Guahan, the Spanish Acapulco ship 
came in sight of the Island. The Governor immediately sent 
off notice to her of the Buccaneer ships being in the road, 
on which she altered her course towards the South, and 
by so doing got among the shoals, where she struck off her 
rudder, and did not get clear for three days. The natives at 
Guahan told the Buccaneers that the Acapulco ship was in 
sight of the Island, ' which/ says Dampier, ' put our men in 

* a great heat to go out after, her, but Captain Swan per- 
' suaded them out of that humour/ 

Dampier praises the ingenuity of the natives of the Ladrone Flying 
Islands, and particularly in the construction of their sailing 0) . §^\\ no . 
canoes, or, as they are sometimes called, their flying proes, of Canoe. 
which he has given the following description. 'Their Proe or 

* Sailing Canoe is sharp at both ends ; the bottom is of one 
' piece, of good substance neatly hollowed, and is about 28 feet 
' long ; the under or keel part is made round, but inclining 
6 to a wedge ; the upper part is almost flat, having a very 
' gentle hollow, and is about a foot broad : from hence, both 
4 sides of the boat are carried up to about five feet high with 

' narrow 



240 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 20. 
» i 

1686. 

May. 

Guahan. 

Flying 
Proe. 



narrow plank, and each end of the boat turns up round very 
prettily. But what is very singular, one side of the boat is 
made perpendicular like a wall, while the other side is 
rounding as other vessels are, with a pretty full belly. The 
dried husks of the cocoa-nuts serve for oakum. At the 
middle of the vessel the breadth aloft is four or five feet, or 
more, according to the length of the boat. The mast stands 
exactly in the middle, with a long yard that peeps up and 
down like a ship's mizen yard ; one end of it reaches down to 
the head of the boat, where it is placed in a notch made 
purposely to keep it fast : the other end hangs over the 
stern. To this yard the sail is fastened, and at the foot of 
the sail is another small yard to keep the sail out square, or 
to roll the sail upon when it blows hard ; for it serves 
instead of a reef to take up the sail to what degree they 
please. Along the belly side of the boat, parallel with it, at 
about seven feet distance, lies another boat or canoe very 
small, being a log of very light wood, almost as long as the 
great boat, but not above a foot and a half wide at the upper 
part, and sharp like a wedge at each end. The little boat is 
fixed firm to the other by Wo bamboos placed across the 
great boat, one near each end, and its use is to keep the 
great boat upright from oversetting. They keep the flat 
side of the great boat against the wind, and the belly side, 
consequently, with its little boat, is upon the lee*. The vessel 
has a head at each end so as to be able to sail with either 

' foremost: 



* The Lad rone flying proa described in Commodore Anson's voyage, sailed 
with the belly or rounded side and its small canoe to windward ; by which it 
appears that these proas were occasionally managed either way, probably accord- 
ing to the strength of the wind ; the little parallel boat or canoe preserving the 
large one upright by its weight when to windward, and by its buoyancy when 
to leeward. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 241 

* foremost : they need not tack as our vessels do, but when chap. 2o ; 

* they ply to windward and are minded to make a board the 1686. 

* other way, they only alter the setting of the sail by shifting May. 
4 the end of the } 7 ard, and they take the broad paddle with which ^ ' ™f 

* they steer instead of a rudder, to the other end of the vessel. Guahan. 
4 I have been particular in describing these their sailing canoes, 

f because I believe they sail the best of any boats in the 
4 world. I tried the swiftness of one of them with our log: we 
4 had twelve knots on our reel, and she ran it all out before the 

* half-minute glass was half out. I believe she would run 24 
■ miles in an hour. It was very pleasant to see the little boat 

* running so swift by the other's side. I was told that one 

* of these proes being sent express from Guahan to Manila, 
' [a distance above 480 leagues] performed the voyage in 
4 four days/ 

Dampier has described the Bread-fruit, which is among the Bread 
productions of the Ladrone Islands. He had never seen nor 
heard of it any where but at these Islands. Provisions were 
obtained in such plenty at Guahan, that in the two vessels they 
salted above fifty hogs for sea use. The friar was released, 
with presents in return for his good offices, and to compensate 
for his confinement. 

June the 2d, they sailed from Guahan for the Island Min- June. 
clanao. The weather was uncertain : 4 the Westerly winds were 
4 not as yet in strength, and the Easterly winds commonly 
4 over-mastered them and brought the ships on their way to 
6 Mindanao.' 

There is much difference between the manuscript Journal of Eastern 
Dampier and the published Narrative, concerning the geography Mindanao 
of the East side of Mindanao. The Manuscript says, 4 We and the 

I s I fi n c\ 

4 arrived off Mindanao the 2 1st day of June; but being come St. John. 
6 in with the land, knew not what part of the Island the city 

I 1 4 was 



242 



THE CYGNET 



CHAP. 20. 
1686. 

June. 

Mindanao 

and 
St. John. 



was in, therefore we run down to the Northward, between 
Mindanao and St. John, and came to an anchor in a bay 
which lieth in six degrees North latitude/ 

In the printed Narrative it is said, ' The gist day of June, we 
arrived at the Island St. John, which is on the East side of 
Mindanao, and distant from it 3 or 4 leagues. It is in latitude 
about 7° or 8° North. This Island is in length about 38 leagues, 
stretching NNW and SSE, and is in breadth about 24 leagues 
in the middle of the Island. The Northernmost end is 
broader, and the Southern narroAVer. This Island is of good 
height, and is full of small hills. The land at the SE end 
(where I was ashore) is of a black fat mould ; and the whole 
Island seems to partake of the same, by the vast number of 
large trees that it produceth, for it looks all over like one 
great grove. As we were passing by the SE end, we saw a 
canoe of the natives under the shore, and one of our boats 
went after to have spoken with her, but she ran to the shore, 
and the people leaving her, fled to the woods. We saw no 
more people here, nor sign of inhabitant at this end. When 
we came aboard our ship again, we steered away for the 
Island Mindanao, which was fair in sight of us, it being 
about 10 leagues distant from this part of St. Johns. The 
22d day, we came within a league of the East side of 
Mindanao, and having the wind at SE, we steered towards 
the North end, keeping on the East side till we came into 
the latitude of 7° 40' N, and there we anchored in a small 
bay, a mile from the shore, in 10 fathoms, rocky foul ground. 
Mindanao being guarded on the East side by St. John's Island, 
we might as reasonably have expected to find the harbour 
and city on this side as any where else ; but coming into the 
latitude in which we judged the city might be, we found no 
canoes or people that indicated a city or place of trade being 

' near 



AT MINDANAO. 243 

c near at hand, though we coasted within a league of the c h a p. 20 . 
i shore*/ 1686. 

This difference between the manuscript and printed Journal June, 
cannot well be accounted for. The most remarkable parti- Mmdanao - 
cular of disagreement is in the latitude of the bay wherein they 
anchored. At this bay they had communication with the 
inhabitants, and learnt thai the Mindanao City was to the 
Westward. They could not prevail on any Mindanao man to 
pilot them ; the next day, however, they weighed anchor, and 
sailed back Southward, till they came to a part they supposed 
to be the SE end of Mindanao, and saAV two small Islands about 
three leagues distant from it. 

There is reason to believe that the two small Islands here Sarangan 
noticed were Sarangan and Candigar ; according to which, CandWr. 
Dampier's Island St. John will be the land named Cape San 
Augustin in the present charts. And hence arises a doubt 
whether the land of Cape San Augastin is not an Island separate 
from Mindanao. Dampier's navigation between them does not 
appear to have been far enough to the Northward to ascertain 
whether he was in a Strait or a Gulf. 

The wind blew constant and fresh from the Westward, and July, 
it took them till the 4th of July to get into a harbour or sound Harbour or 
a few leagues to the NW from the two small Islands. This the South 
harbour or sound ran deep into the land ; at the entrance it is ^9 oa , st of 

. ... . Mindanao. 

only two miles across, but within it is three leagues wide, with 
seven fathoms depth, and there is good depth for shipping four 
or five leagues up, but with some rocky foul ground. On the 
East side of this Bay are small rivers and brooks of fresh water. 
The country on the West side was uncultivated land, woody, 
and well stocked with wild deer, which had been used to live 

there 

* Dumpier, Vol. I, Chap. u. 
I i 2 



244 



THE CYGNET 



July. 

At 
Mindanao. 



River of 
Mindanao. 



c h a p. 20 . there unmolested, no people inhabiting on that side of the 
16S6. Da y- Near the shore was a border of savanna or meadow land 
which abounded in long grass. Dampier says, ' the adjacent 
' woods are a covert for the deer in the heat of the day ; but 
' mornings and evenings they feed in the open plains, as thick 
' as in our parks in England. I never saw any where such 
' plenty of wild deer. We found no hindrance to our killing as 
' many as we pleased, and the crews of both the ships were 
' fed with venison all the time we remained here.' 

They quitted this commodious Port on the 1 2th ; the weather 
had become moderate, and they proceeded Westward for the 
River and City of Mindanao. The Southern part of the Island 
appeared better peopled than the Eastern part ; they passed 
many fishing boats, s and now and then a small village/ 

.On the 18th, they anchored before the River of Mindanao, in 
15 fathoms depth, the bottom hard sand, about two miles 
distant from the shore, and three or four miles from a small 
Island which was without them to the Southward. The river 
is small, and had not more than ten or eleven feet depth over 
the bar at spring tides. Dampier gives the latitude of the 
entrance 6° 22 / N. 

The buccaneer ships on anchoring saluted with seven guns, 
under English colours, and the salute was returned with three 
guns from the shore. ' The City of Mindanao is about two 

* miles from the sea. It is a mile long, of no great breadth, 

* winding with the banks of the river on the right hand going 
' up, yet it has many houses on the opposite side of the river/ 
The houses were built upon posts, and at this time, as also 
during a great part of the succeeding month, the weather was 
rainy, and ' the city seemed to stand as in a pond, so that there 

* was no passing from one house to another but in canoes/ 
The Island Mindanao was divided into a number of small 

states. 



City of 
Mindanao 



AT MINDANAO. 245 

states. The port at which the Cygnet and her tender now chap. 20 . 
anchored, with a large district of country adjacent, was under ^35 
the dominion of a Sultan or Prince, who appears to have been July. 
one of the most powerful in the Island. The Spaniards had not At 
established their dominion over all the Philippine Islands, and 
the inhabitants of this place were more apprehensive of the 
Hollanders than of any 'other Europeans; and on that account 
expressed some discontent when they understood the Cygnet 
was not come for the purpose of making a settlement. On the 
afternoon of their arrival, Swan sent an officer with a present to 
the Sultan, consisting of scarlet cloth, gold lace, a scymitar, and 
a pair of pistols ; and likewise a present to another great man 
who was called the General, of scarlet cloth and three yards 
of silver lace. The next day, Captain Swan went on shore and 
was admitted to an audience in form. The Sultan shewed him 
two letters from English merchants, expressing their wishes to 
establish a factory at Mindanao, to do which he said the Eng- 
lish should be welcome. A few days after this audience, the 
Cygnet and tender went into the river, the former being 
lightened first to get her over the bar. Here, similar to the 
custom in the ports of China, an officer belonging to the Sultan 
went on board and measured the ships. 

Voyagers or travellers who visit strange countries, generally 
find, or think, it necessary to be wary and circumspect: mercan- 
tile voyagers are on the watch for occasions of profit, and the 
i quisitiveness of men of observation will be regarded with 
suspicion ; all which, however familiarity of manners may be 
assumed, keeps cordiality at a distance, and causes them to con- 
tinue strangers. The present visitors were differently circum- 
stanced and of different character: their pursuits at Mindanao 
were neither to profit by trade nor to make observation. Long 
confined with pockets full of money which they were impatient 

to 



246 THE CYGNET 

chap. 20. to exchange for enjoyment, with minds little troubled by con- 

1686. siderations of economy, they at once entered into familiar 

At intercourse with the natives, who were gained almost as much 

Mindanao, by the freedom of their manners as by their presents, and with 
whom they immediately became intimates and inmates. The 
same happened to Drake and his companions, when, returning 
enriched with spoil from the South Sea, they stopped at the 
Island Java; and we read no instance of Europeans arriving at 
such sociable and friendly intercourse with any of the natives 
of India, as they became with the people of Java during the 
short time they remained there, except in the similarly circum- 
stanced instance of the crew of the Cygnet among the 
Mindanayans. 

By the length of their stay at Mindanao, Dampier was enabled 
to enter largely into descriptions of the natives, and of the 
country, and he has related many entertaining particulars con- 
cerning them. Those only in which the Buccaneers were 
interested will be noticed here. 

The Buccaneers were at first prodigal in their gifts. When 
any of them went on shore, they were welcomed and invited to 
the houses, and were courted to form particular attachments. 
Among many nations of the East a custom has been found to 
prevail, according to which, a stranger is expected to choose 
some individual native to be his friend or comrade; and a con- 
nexion so formed, and confirmed with presents, is regarded, if 
not as sacred, with such high respect, that it is held most dis- 
honourable to break it. The visitor is at all times afterwards 
welcome to his comrade's house. The tayoship, with the cere- 
mony of exchanging names, among the South Sea islanders, is a 
bond of fellowship of the same nature. The people of Mindanao 
enlarged and refined upon this custom, and allowed to the 
stranger a pagally, or platonic friend of the other sex. The 

wives 



AT MINDANAO. 247 

wives of the richest men may be chosen, and she is permitted c h a p. go. 
to converse with her pagaily in public. ' In a short time/ says 1086. 
Dampier, ' several of our men, such as had good clothes and At 

* store of gold, had a comrade or two, and as many pagallies.' 
Some of the crew hired, and some purchased, houses, in which 
they lived with their comrades and pagallies, and with a train 
of servants, as long as their means held out. ' Many of our 
1 Squires/ continues Dampier, ' were in no long time eased 
6 of the trouble of counting their money. This created a 
6 division of the crew into two parties, that is to say, of 
' those who had money, and those wlio had none. As the 
6 latter party increased, they became dissatisfied and unruly 
' for want of action, and continually urged the Captain to go 
K to sea; which not being speedily complied with, they sold the 
4 ship's stores and the merchants' goods to procure arrack/ 
Those whose money held out, were not without their troubles. 
The Mindanayans were a people deadly in their resentments. 
Whilst the Cygnet lay at Mindanao, sixteen Buccaneers were 
buried, most of whom, Dampier says, died by poison. ' The 
' people of Mindanao are expert at poisoning, and will do it 

* upon small occasions. Nor did our men want for giving 
e offence either by rogueries, or by familiarities with their 
' women, even before their husbands' faces. They have poisons 
1 which are slow and lingering; for some who were poisoned 

* at Mindanao, did not die till many months after.' 

Towards the end of the year they began to make prepa- 
ration for sailing. It was then discovered that the bottom 
of the tender was eaten through by worms in s-uch a manner 
that she would scarcely swim longer in port, and could not 
possibly be made fit for sea. The Cygnet was protected by 
a sheathing which covered her bottom, the worms not beino- 

able 



248 THE CYGNET 



CHAP. 20. 



able to penetrate farther than to the hair which was between 
1687. the sheathing and the main plank. 
January. In the beginning of January (1687), the Cygnet was removed 
to without the bar of the river. Whilst she lay there, and when 
Captain Swan was on shore, his Journal was accidentally left Out, 
and thereby liable to the inspection of the crew, some of whom 
had the curiosity to look in it, and found there the misconduct 
of several individuals on board, noted down in a manner that 
seemed to threaten an after-reckoning. This discovery increased 
the discontents against Swan to such a degree, that when 
he heard of it he did not dare to trust himself on board, 
and the discontented party took advantage of his absence 
and got the ship under sail. Captain Swan sent on board 
Mr. Harthope, one of the Supercargoes, to see if he could 
effect a reconciliation. The principal mutineers shewed to 
Mr. Harthope the Captain's Journal, ' and repeated to him all 
4 his ill actions, and they desired that he would take the com- 
4 mand of the ship; but he refused, and desired them to tarry 
' a little longer whilst he went on shore and communed with 
4 the Captain, and he did not question but all differences 
4 would be reconciled. They said they would wait till two 
4 o'clock ; but at four o'clock, Mr. Harthope not having re- 
4 turned, and no boat being seen coming from the shore, they 
4 made sail and put to sea with the ship, leaving their Com- 
4 mander and 36 of the crew at Mindanao.' Dampier was 
among those who went in the ship ; but he disclaims having 
had any share in the mutiny. 



FROM MINDANAO. 249 



CHAP. 21. 



CHAP. XXL 

The Cygnet departs from Mindanao. At the Ponghou Isles. 
At the Five Islands. Dampier's Account of the Five Islands. 
They are named the Bashee Islands. 

7 T was on the 14th of January the Cygnet sailed from before 

the River Mindanao. The crew chose one John Reed, a TT~ 

1087. 

Jamaica man, for their Captain. They steered Westward along j anuaiT 

the coast of the South side of the Island, * which here tends South 

' W b S, the land of a good height, with high hills in the coun- ,£° j St of 
' & & ' & Mindanao. 

e try.' The 15th, they were abreast a town named Chambongo 
[in the charts Samboangan] which Dampier reckoned to be 30 
leagues distant from the River of Mindanao. The Spaniards had 
formerly a fort there, and it is said to be a good harbour. ' At 
the distance of two or three leagues from the coast, are many 
small low Islands or Keys ; and two or three leagues to the 
Southward of these Keys is a long Island stretching NE and 
SW about twelve leagues */ 

When they were past the SW part of Mindanao, they sailed Among the 
Northward towards Manila, plundering the country vessels that riS^ 6 
came in their way. What was seen here of the coasts is noticed 
slightly and with uncertainly. They met two Mindanao vessels 
laden with silks and calicoes ; and near Manila they took some 
Spanish vessels, one of which had a cargo of rice. 

From the Philippine Islands they went to the Island Pulo March. 

Condore, _ Pu }° 

__ ' Condore, 

* Dampier, Vol. I, Chap. 14. The long Island is named Batseelan in the 
charts; but the shape there given it does not agree well with Dampier's 
description. 

Kk 



£50 THE CYGNET 

chap. 21 . Condore, where two of the men who had been poisoned at 
1687. Mindanao, died. ' They were opened by the surgeon, in corn- 
March. « pliance with their dying request, and their livers were found 
eh" IT ' black, light, and dry, like pieces of cork/ 

From Pulo Condore they went cruising to the Gulf of Slant, 
and to different parts of the China Seas. What their success 
was, Dampier did not think proper to tell, for it would not 
admit of being palliated under the term Buccaneering. Among 
their better projects and contrivances, one, which could only 
have been undertaken by men confident in their own seaman- 
ship and dexterity, was to search at the Praia Island and Shoal, 
for treasure which had been wrecked there, the recovery of 
which no one had ever before ventured to attempt. In pur- 
suit of this scheme, they unluckily fell too far to leeward, and 
were unable to beat up against the wind. 
July. In July they went to the Ponghou Islands, expecting to find 

Ponghou there a port which would be a safe retreat. On the 20th of 

Isles. 

that month, they anchored at one of the Islands, where they 
found a large town, and a Tartar garrison. This was not a 
place where they could rest with ease and security. Having 
the wind at SW, they again got under sail, and directed their 
course to look for some Islands which in the charts were laid 
down between Formosa and Luconla, without any name, but 

The Five marked with the figure 5 to denote their number. These Buc- 
caneers, or rather pirates, had no other information concerning 
the Five Islands than seeing them on the charts, and hoped to 
find them without inhabitants. 

Dampier's account of the Five Islands would lose in many 
respects if given in any other than his own words, which there- 
fore are here transcribed. 

Dampier's * August the 6th, We made the Islands ; the wind was at 

o/iheVive ' South, and we fetched in with the Westernmost, which is the 

Islands. < largest, 



AT THE FIVE ISLANDS. 251 

largest, on which we saw goats, but could not get anchor- , CHAp - 2 * ; 
ground, therefore we stood over to others about three leagues 1687. 
from this, and the next forenoon anchored in a small Bay on August 

7th. 

the East side of the Easternmost Island in fifteen fathoms, a ' ." ' 

Uampiers 

cable's length from the shore ; and before our sails were Account 
furled we had a hundred small boats aboard, with three, four, Fiv ° i s i a „ ds 
and some with six men in them. There were three large 
towns on the shore within the distance of a league. Most 
of our people being aloft (for we had been forced to turn in 
close with all sail abroad, and when we anchored, furled all 
at once) and our deck being soon full of Indian natives, we 
were at first alarmed, and began to get our small-arms ready; 
but they were very quiet, only they picked up such old 
iron as they found upon our deck. At last, one of our men 
perceived one of them taking an iron pin out of a gun- 
carriage, and laid hold of him, upon which he bawled out, 
and the rest leaped into their boats or overboard, and they 
all made away for the shore. But when we perceived their 
fright, we made much of him we had in hold, and gave him 
a small piece of iron, with which we let him go, and he 
immediately leaped overboard and swam to his consorts, who 
hovered near the ship to see the issue. Some of the boats 
came presently aboard again, and they were always after- 
ward very honest and civil. We presently after this, sent our 
canoe on shore, and they made the crew welcome with a 
drink they call Bashee, and they sold us some hogs. We 
bought a fat goat for an old iron hoop, a hog of 70 or 80 lbs. 
weight for two or three pounds of iron, and their bashee 
drink and roots for old nails or bullets. Their hogs were 
very sweet, but many were meazled. We filled fresh water 
here at a curious brook close by the ship. 
' We lay here till the 12th, when we weighed to seek for a 

k k 2 ' better 



555 



THE CYGNET 



CHA P. 21. 

s ' 

1687. 

August. 

Dampier's 

Account 

of the 

Five Islands. 



better anchoring place. We plied to windward, and passed 
between the South end of this Island and the North end of 
another Island South of this. These Islands were both full 
of inhabitants, but there was no good riding. We stopped 
a tide under the Southern Island. The tide runs there very 
strong, the flood to the North, and it rises and falls eight 
feet. It was the 15 th day of the month before we found a 
place we might anchor at and careen, which was at another 
Island not so big as either of the former. 



Names 

riven to the 

Islands. 



A. Hock 



The BASHEE Islands'' 




Monmouth 
Isle 



J 



' We anchored near the North East part of this smaller 
Island, against a small sandy bay, in seven fathoms clean 
hard sand, a quarter of a mile from the shore. We presently 
set up a tent on shore, and every day some of us went to the 
towns of the natives, and were kindly entertained by them. 
Their boats also came on board to traffic with us every day ; 
so that besides provision for present use, we bought and 
salted 70 or 80 good fat hogs, and laid up a good stock of 
potatoes and yams. 

* These Islands lie in 20° 20' N.* As they are laid down in 

' the 

* M'. tie Surville in 1769, and much more lately Captain A. Murray of the 
English E. I. Company's Service, found the South end of Monmouth Island to be 
in 20° 17' N. 



AT THE BASHEE ISLANDS. 253 

' the charts marked only with a figure of 5, we gave them what chap. 21 . 

* names we pleased. The Dutchmen who were among us jgg;. 

* named the Westernmost, which is the largest, the Prince of Orange 
' Oranges Island. It is seven or eight leagues long, about two s an ' 
f leagues wide, and lies almost North and South. Orange 

1 Island was not inhabited. It is high land, flat and even at 
1 the top, with steep cliffs against the sea ; for which reason we 
' could not go ashore there, as we did on all the rest. 

■ The Island where we first anchored, we called the Duke of Grafton 
' Grafton s Isle, having married my wife out of his Dutchess's 

* family, and leaving her at Arlington House at my going 
1 abroad. Grafton Isle is about four leagues long, stretching 
' North and South, and one and a half wide. 

6 The other great Island our seamen called the Duke of Monmouth 
' Monmouth's Island. It is about three leagues long, and a Jsland - 
' league wide. 

' The two smaller Islands, which lie between Monmouth, and Goat 
: the South end of Orange Island ; the Westernmost, which is * siand - 
: the smallest, we called Goat Island, from the number of goats 
; we saw there. The Easternmost, at which we careened, our Bashee 
; men unanimously called Bashee Island, because of the plen- Island. 
; tiful quantity of that liquor which we drank there every day. 
This drink called Bashee, the natives make with the juice of The Drink 
the sugar-cane, to Avhich they put some small black berries. o al ! ed 
It is well boiled, and then put into great jars, in which it 
stands three or four days to ferment. Then it settles clear, 
and is presently fit to drink. This is an excellent liquor, 
strong, and 1 believe wholesome, and much like our English 
beer both in colour and taste. Our men drank briskly of it 
during several weeks, and were frequently drunk with it, The whole 
and never sick in consequence. The natives sold it to us g IO "P 

* named the 

very cheap, and from the plentiful use of it, our men called Bashee 
all these islands the Bashee Islands. 



i 



To 



254 



THE CYGNET 



C HA P. 21. 

v. ' 

1687. 

Rocks or 

small 

Islands 

North of 

the 

Five Islands. 
v 

Natives 

described. 



' To the Northward of the Five Islands are two high rocks/ 
[These rocks are not inserted in Dampier's manuscript Chart, 
and only one of them in the published Chart; whence is to be 
nferred, that the other was beyond the limit of the Chart.] 

6 These Islanders are short, squat, people, generally round 
visaged with thick eyebrows ; their eyes of a hazel colour, 
small, yet bigger than those of the Chinese; they have short 
low noses, their teeth white ; their hair black, thick, and lank, 
which they wear short : their skins are of a dark copper 
colour. They wear neither hat, cap, nor turban to keep off 
the sun. The men had a cloth about their waist, and the 
women wore short cotton petticoats which reached below the 
knee. These people had iron ; but whence it came we knew 
not. The boats they build are much after the fashion of our 
Deal yawls, but smaller, and every man has a boat, which he 
builds himself. They have also large boats, which will carry 
40 or 50 men each. 

' They are neat and cleanly in their persons, and are withal 
the quietest and civilest people I ever met with. I could 
never perceive them to be angry one with another. I have 
admired to see 20 or 30 boats aboard our ship at a time, all 
quiet and endeavouring to help each other on occasion ; and 
if cross accidents happened, they caused no noise nor appear- 
ance of distaste. When any of us came to their houses, they 
would entertain us with such things as their houses or planta- 
tions would afford ; and if they had no bashee at home, would 
buy of their neighbours, and sit down and drink freely with 
us ; yet neither then nor sober could I ever perceive them 
to be out of humour. 

6 I never observed them to worship any thing; they had no 
idols; neither did I perceive that one man was of greater 
power than another: they seemed to be all equal, only every 

4 man 



AT THE BASHEE ISLANDS. 



255 



* man ruling in his own house, and children respecting and chap. 21. 
honouring their parents. Yet it is probable they have some law ^87. 
or custom by which they are governed ; for whilst we lay here, 
we saw a young man buried alive in the earth, and it was 
for theft, as far as we could understand from them. There 
was a great deep hole dug, and abundance of people came to 
the place to take their last farewell of him. One woman 
particularly made great lamentations, and took off the con- 
demned person's ear-rings. We supposed her to be his mother. 
After he had taken leave of her, and some others, he was put 
into the pit, and covered over with earth. He did not struggle, 
but yielded very quietly to his punishment, and they crammed 
the earth close upon him, and stifled him. 

' Monmouth and Grafton Isles are very hilly with steep Situations 
precipices; and whether from fear of pirates, of foreign 2( the ^ r 
enemies, or factions among their own clans, their towns and 
villages are built on the most steep and inaccessible of these 
precipices, and on the sides of rocky hills; so that in some of 
their towns, three or four rows of houses stand one above 
another, in places so steep that they go up to the first row 
with a ladder, and in the same manner ascend to every street 
upwards. Grafton and Monmouth Islands are very thick set 
with these hills and towns. The two small Islands are flat 
and even, except that on Bashee Island there is one steep 
craggy hill. The reason why Orange Island has no inhabitants, 
though the largest and as fertile as any of these Islands, I take 
to be, because it is level and exposed to attack; and for the 
same reason, Goat Island, being low and even, hath no inha- 
bitants. We saw no houses built on any open plain ground. 
Their houses are but small and low, the roofs about eight 
feet high. 

■ The vallies are well watered with brooks of fresh water. The 

* fruits 



256 THE CYGNET 

chap. 21. ' fruits of these Islands are plantains, bananas, pine-apples, 

16S7. ' pumpkins, yams and other roots, and sugar-canes, which last 

Bashee ' tne y use mostly for their bashee drink. Here are plenty of 

Islands. < goats, and hogs; and but a few fowls. They had no grain of 

' any kind. 

September. ' On the 26th of September, our ship was driven to sea, by a 

26th. < strong gale atNbW, which made her drag her anchors. Six 

' of the crew were onshore, who could not get on board. The 

October. ' weather continued stormy till the 29th. The 1st of October, 

' we recovered the anchorage from which we had been driven, 

6 and immediately the natives brought on board our six seamen, 

' who related that after the ship was out of sight, the natives 

' were more kind to them than they had been before, and tried 

1 to persuade them to cut their hair short, as was the custom 

' among themselves, offering to each of them if they would, a 

' young woman to wife, a piece of land, and utensils fit for a 

4 planter. These offers were declined, but the natives were not 

* the less kind ; on which account we made them a present 

* of three whole bars of iron/ 

Two days after this reciprocation of kindness, the Buccaneers 
bid farewell to these friendly Islanders. 



FROM THE BASHEE ISLANDS. 257 

CHAP. XXII. 

The Cygnet. At the Philippines, Celebes, and Timor. On the 
Coast of New Holland. End of the Cygnet. 

FROM the Bashee Islands, the Cygnet steered at first SSW, chap. 22. 

with the wind at West, and on that course passed 'close 1 Q^ 7t 

4 to the Eastward of certain small Islands that lie just by the October. 

* North end of the Island Luconia.' 

They went on Southward by the East of the Philippine island 
Islands. On the 14-th, they were near a small low woody Island, s ^ a e r n Jof 
which Dampier reckoned to lie East 20 leagues from the SE Mindanao, 
end of Mindanao. The 16th, they anchored between the 
small Islands Candigar and Sarangan ; but afterwards found at Candigar. 
the NW end of the Eastern of the two Islands, a good and 
convenient small cove, into which they went, and careened the 
ship. They heard here that Captain Swan and those of the 
crew left with him, were still at the City of Mindanao. 

The Cygnet and her restless crew continued wandering 
about the Eastern Seas, among the Philippine Islands, to Celebes, 
and to Timor. December the 27th, steering a Southerly course, December, 
they passed by the West side of Rotte, and by another small N 2 . 7 tne 
Island, near the SW end of Timor. Dampier says, ' Being now SW end of 
' clear of all the Islands, and having the wind at West and lmox 
4 W b N, we steered away SSW, * intending to touch at New 

* Holland, to see what that country would afford us/ 

The wind blew fresh, and kept them under low sail ; 
sometimes with only their courses set, and sometimes with 
reefed topsails. The 31st at noon, their latitude was 13° 20' S. 31st. 
About ten o'clock at night, the}' tacked and stood to the 
Northward for fear of a shoal, which their charts laid down 

in 

* Munmci ipt Joui nal. 

Ll 



258 



THE CYGNET 



CHAP. 22. 
*■ ■* 

1688. 

January. 

Low Island 

and Shoal, 

S bW from 

the West 

end of 

Timor. 



NW Coast 

of New 

Holland. 



In a Bay 
on the 

NW Coast 

of New 

Holland. 



in the track they were sailing, and in latitude 13° 50' S. At three 

in the morning, they tacked again and stood S b W and SSW. 

As soon as it was light, they perceived a low Island and shoal 

right ahead. This shoal, by their reckoning, is in latitude 

13° 50', and lies Sb W from the West end of Timor.* ' It is 

a small spit of sand appearing just above the water's edge, 

with several rocks about it eight or ten feet high above 

water. It lies in a triangular form, each side in extent about 

a league and a half. We could not weather it, so bore away 

round the East end, and stood again to the Southward, 

passing close by it and sounding, but found no ground. This 

shoal is laid down in our drafts not above 16 or 20 leagues 

from New- Holland ; but we ran afterwards 60 leagues making 

a course due South, before we fell in with the coast of New 

Holland, which we did on January the 4th, in latitude 

16° 50' S/ Dampier remarks here, that unless they were set 

Westward by a current, the coast of New Holland must have 

been laid down too far Westward in the charts ; but he 

thought it not probable that they were deceived by currents, 

because the tides on that part of the coast were found very 

regular; the flood setting towards the NE. 

The coast here was low and level, with sand-banks. The 

Cygnet sailed along the shore NE b E 12 leagues, when she 

came to a point of land, with an Island so near it that 

she could not pass between. A league before coming to this 

point, that is to say, Westward of the point, was a shoal which 

ran out from the main-land a league. Beyond the point, the 

coast ran East, and East Southerly, making a deep bay with 

many 



# In the printed Voyage, the shoal is mistakenly said to lie Sb W from the East 
end of Timor. The Manuscript Journal, and the track of the ship as marked in 
the charts to the 1st volume of Dampier's Voyages, agree in making the place of 
the shoal Sb W from the West end of Timor • whence they had last taken their 
departure, and from which their reckoning was kept. 



AT NEW HOLLAND. 



259 



many Islands in it. On the 5th, they anchored in this bay, ^1 A p - 22 ; 
about two miles from the shore, in 29 fathoms. The 6th, they 1688. 
ran nearer in and anchored about four miles Eastward of the January, 
point before mentioned, and a mile distant from the nearest a ;? ay 
shore, in 18 fathoms depth, the bottom clean sand. NW Coast 

People were seen on the land, and a boat was sent to endea- Holland. 
vour to make acquaintance with them ; but the natives did not 
wait. Their habitations were sought for, but none were found. 
The soil here was dry and sandy, yet fresh water was found by 
digging for it. They warped the ship into a small sandy cove, at 
a spring tide, as far as she would float, and at low water she was 
high aground, the sand being dry without her half a mile ; for 
the sea rose and fell here about five fathoms perpendicularly. 
During the neap tides, the ship lay wholly aground, the sea 
not approaching nearer than within a hundred yards of her. 
Turtle and manatee were struck here, as much every day as 
served the whole crew. 

Boats went from the ship to different parts of the bay in 
search of provisions. For a considerable time they met with 
no inhabitants ; but at length, a party going to one of the 
Islands, saw there about forty natives, men, women, and chil- Natives, 
dren. s The Island was too small for them to conceal them- 
' selves. The men at first made threatening motions with 
1 lances and wooden swords, but a musket was fired to scare 
4 them, and they stood still. The women snatched up their 
' infants and ran away howling, their other children running 
4 after squeaking and bawling. Some invalids who could not 
' get away lay by the fire making a doleful noise ; but after a 
' short time they grew sensible that no mischief was intended 
6 them, and they became quiet/ Those who had fled, soon 
returned, and some presents made, succeeded in rendering them 
familiar. Dampier relates, ' we filled some of our barrels with 
* water at wells, which had been dug by the natives, but it 

ll2 ' being 



260 THE CYGNET 

chap. 22. « being troublesome to get to our boats, we thought to have 
!688. ' made these men help us, to which end we put on them some 

January. ' old ragged clothes, thinking this finery would make them 

In a Bay « willing to be employed. We then brought our new servants to 
NW Coast ' the wells, and put a barrel on the shoulders of each : but 

EMT 6 ? ' a ^ l ^ e s ^S ns we cou ld make were to no purpose, for they 
' stood like statues, staring at one another and grinning like so 
1 many monkies. These poor creatures seem not accustomed 
1 to carry burthens, and I believe one of our ship-boys of ten 
' years old would carry as much as one of their men. So 
? we were forced to carry our water ourselves, and they very 
' fairly put off the clothes again and laid them down. They 

* had no great liking to them at first, neither did they seem 
' to admire any thing that we had/ 

4 The inhabitants of this country are the most miserable 
' people in the world. The Hottentots compared with them 

* are gentlemen. They have no houses, animals, or poultry. 

* Their persons are tall, straight-bodied, thin, with long limbs : 
' they have great heads, round foreheads, and great brows. 
4 Their eyelids are always half closed to keep the flies out of 
4 their eyes, for they are so troublesome here that no fanning 
c will keep them from one's face, so that from their infancy 
4 they never open their eyes as other people do, and therefore 

* they cannot see far, unless they hold up their heads as if 

* they were looking at something over them. They have great 
' bottle noses, full lips, wide mouths : the two fore-teeth of their 
' upper jaw are wanting in all of them: neither have they any 
' beards. Their hair is black, short, and curled, and their skins 
4 coal black like that of the negroes in Guinea. Their only food 
4 is fish, and they constantly search for them at low water, 
4 and they make little weirs or dams with stones across little 

* coves of the sea. At one time, our boat being among the 

* Islands seeking for game, espied a drove of these people 

4 swimming 



AT NEW HOLLAND. 261 

' swimming from one Island to another; for they have neither chap. 22. 
' boats, canoes, nor bark-logs. We always gave them victuals 1688. 
4 when we met any of them. But after the first time of our March. 
* being among them, they did not stir for our coming.' *" a ^ ay 

It deserves to be remarked to the credit of human nature, NW Coast 
that these poor people, in description the most wretched of jj^Ua^ 
mankind in all respects, that we read of, stood their ground 
for the defence of their women and children, against the shock 
and first surprise at hearing the report of fire-arms. 

The Cygnet remained at this part of New Holland till 
the 12th of March, and then sailed Westward, for the West 
coast of Sumatra. 

On the 28th, they fell in with a small woody uninhabited 28tn - 

r 1 -i • i • 1 0,0, t>. • » • o , -An Island 

Island, in latitude 10 20 b, and, by Dampiers reckoning, 12 6 in Lat. 

of longitude from the part of New Holland at which they had 10 ° 2 ° S ' 

been. There was too great depth of water every where round 

the Island for anchorage. A landing-place was found near 

the SW point, and on the Island a small brook of fresh water ; 

but the surf would not admit of any to be taken off to the 

ship. Large craw-fish, boobies, and men-of-war birds, were 

caught, as many as served for a meal for the whole crew. 

April the 7th, they made the coast of Sumatra. Shortly after, April. 

at the Nicobar Islands, Dampier and some others quitted the End of the 

. Cygnet. 

Cygnet. Read, the Captain, and those who yet remained with 

him, continued their piratical cruising in the Indian Seas, till, 
after a variety of adventures, and changes of commanders, they 
put into Saint Augustine's Bay in the Island of Madagascar, by 
which time the ship was in so crazy a condition, that the crew 
abandoned her, and she sunk at her anchors. Some of the men 
embarked on board European ships, and some engaged them- 
selves in the service of the petty princes of that Island. 
Dampier returned to England in 1691. 



262 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. XXIII. 

French Buccaneers under Francois Grogniet and Le Picard, 
to the Death of Grogniet. 

cha p. 23 . TTAVING accompanied the Cygnet to her end, the History 

The French must again be taken back to the breaking up of the 

Buccaneers, general confederacy of Buccaneers which took place at the 

July 1685. Island Quibo, to give a connected narrative of the proceedings 

of the French adventurers from that period to their quitting 

the South Sea. 

Three hundred and forty-one French Buccaneers (or to give 
them their due, privateers, war then existing between France 
and Spahi) separated from Edward Davis in July 1685, 
Under choosing for their leader Captain Francois Grogniet. 

They had a small ship, two small barks, and some large 
canoes, which were insufficient to prevent their being incom- 
moded for want of room, and the ship was so ill provided with 
sails as to be disqualified for cruising at sea. They were like=- 
wise scantily furnished with provisions, and necessity for a long 
time confined their enterprises to the places on the coast of 
New Spain in the neighbourhood of Qiribo. The towns of 
Pueblo Nuevo, Ria Lexa, Nicoya, and others, were plundered 
by them, some more than once, by which they obtained provi- 
sions, and little of other plunder, except prisoners, from whom 
they extorted ransom either in provisions or money. 
November. In November, they attacked the town of Ria Leoca. Whilst in 
the port, a Spanish Officer delivered to them a letter from the 
Vicar-General of the province of Costa Rica, written to inform 
them that a truce for twenty years had been concluded 

between 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 26-- 



o 



between France and Spain. The Vicar-General therefore re- , f " A p - 2 3- 
quired of them to forbear committing farther hostility, and 1685. 
offered to give them safe conduct over land to the North Sea, November, 
and a passage to Europe in the galeons of his Catholic Majesty Buccaneers 
to as many as should desire it. This offer not according with under 

, . ,. . r , , iiTi •■ Grogniet. 

the inclinations or tne adventurers, they declined accepting it, On the 
and, without entering into enquiry, professed to disbelieve the N Coa ^ tof 
intelligence. 



o 



November the 14th, they were near the Point Burica. Lussan Point de 
says, ' we admired the pleasant appearance of the land, and Bunca - 
' among other things, a walk or avenue, formed by five rows 

* of cocoa-nut trees, which extended in continuation along the 
' coast 15 leagues, with as much regularity as if they had been 
' planted by line/ 

In the beginning of January 1686, two hundred and thirty of ^686. 
these Buccaneers went in canoes from Quibo against Chiriquita, January. 
a small Spanish town on the Continent, between Point Burica 11K l ulta - 
and the Island Quibo. Chiriquita is situated up a navigable 
river, and at some distance from the sea-coast. ' Before this 

* river are eight or ten Islands, and shoals on which the 
' sea breaks at low water; but there are channels between 
' them through which ships may pass*/ 

The Buccaneers arrived in the night at the entrance of the 
river, unperceived by the Spaniards; but being without guides, 
and in the dark, they mistook and landed on the wrong side 
of the river. They were two days occupied in discovering the 
right way, but were so well concealed by the woods, that 
at daylight on the morning of the third day they came 
upon the town and surprised the whole of the inhabitants, who, 
savs Lussan, had been occupied the last two days in disputing 
which of them should keep watch, and go the rounds. 

Lussan 



* A Voyage by Edward Cooke, Vol. I, p. 371. London, if 12. 



264 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

c h a p. 23 . Lussan relates here, that himself and five others were decoyed 
1686. to pursue a few Spaniards to a distance from the town, where 
January, they were suddenly attacked by one hundred and twent}' men. 
Grogmet jj e an( j j-,^ companions however, he says, played their parts an 
Coast of hour and a half ' en vrai Flibustiers,' and laid thirty of the 
ew pain. enem y on the ground, by which time they were relieved by the 
arrival of some of their friends. They set fire to the town, and 
got ransom for their prisoners : in what the ransom consisted, 
Lussan has not said. 
At Quibo. Their continuance in one station, at length prevailed on the 
Spaniards to collect and send a force against them. They had 
taken some pains to instil into the Spaniards a belief that they 
intended to erect fortifications and establish themselves at Quibo. 
Their view in this it is not easy to conjecture, unless it was to 
discourage their prisoners from pleading poverty ; for they 
obliged those from whom they could not get money, to labour, 
and to procure bricks and materials for building to be sent 
for their ransom. On the 27th of January, a small fleet of 
Spanish vessels approached the Island Quibo. The buccaneer 
-ship was without cannon, and lay near the entrance of a 
river which had only depth sufficient for their small vessels. 
The Buccaneers therefore took out of the ship all that could 
be of use, and ran her aground ; and with their small barks and 
canoes took a station in the river. The Spaniards set fire to 
the abandoned ship, and remained by her to collect the iron- 
work ; but they shewed no disposition to attack the French in 
February, the river ; and on the ] st of February, they departed from 
the Island. 

The Buccaneers having lost their ship, set hard to work to 
build themselves small vessels. In this month of February, 
fourteen of their number died by sickness and accidents. 
March. They had projected an attack upon Granada, but want of 

present 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 265 

present subsistence obliged them to seek supply nearer, and a chap. 23 . 

detachment was sent with that view to the river of Pueblo 1686. 

Nuevo. Some vessels of the Spanish flotilla which had lately March. 

been at Quito, were lying: at anchor in the river, which the Unsuccess- 
ful • • 1 'n ■ r 1 -nii-r. ful attempt 
ilibustiers mistook for a party of the English Buccaneers. In at Pueblo 

this belief they went within pistol-shot, and hailed, and were Nuevo - 

then undeceived by receiving for answer a volley of musketry. 

They fired on the Spaniards in return, but were obliged to 

retreat, and in this affair they lost four men killed outright, and 

between 30 and 40 were wounded. 

Preparatory to their intended expedition against Granada, 
they agreed upon some regulations for preserving discipline 
and order, the principal articles of which were, that cowardice, 
theft, drunkenness, or disobedience, should be punished with 
forfeiture of all share of booty taken. 

On the evening of the 2^d, they were near the entrance 
of the Gulf of Nicoya, in a little fleet, consisting of two small 
barks, a row-galley, and nine large canoes. A tornado came 
on in the night which dispersed them a good deal. At day- 
light they were surprised at counting thirteen sail in company, 
and before they discovered which was the strange vessel, five 
more sail came in sight. They soon joined each other, and the Gro°-niet 
strangers proved to be a party of the Buccaneers of whom ls J oinedb y 

& r x lownley. 

Townley was the head. 

Townley had parted company from Swan not quite two 

months before. His company consisted of 115 men, embarked 

in a ship and five large canoes. Townley had advanced with his 

canoes along the coast before his ship to seek provisions, he 

and his men being no better off in that respect than Grogniet 

and his followers. On their meeting as above related, the French 

did not forget Townley 's former overbearing conduct towards 

them: they, however, limited their vengeance to a short 

M m triumph. 



266 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 23. 

1686. 

Grogniet 

and 
Townley. 



April. 

Expedition 

against the 

City of 

Granada. 



7 th. 



triumph. Lussan says, ' we now finding ourselves the strongest? 
4 called to mind the ill offices he had done us, and to shew hint 
s our resentment, we made him and his men in the canoes 
' with him our prisoners. We then boarded his ship, of 
' which we made ourselves masters, and pretended that we 
' would keep her. We let them remain some time under 

* this apprehension, after which we made them see that we 
4 were more honest and civilized people than they were, and 
' that we would not profit of our advantage over them to 

* revenge ourselves; for after keeping possession about four 

* or five hours, we returned to them their ship and all that had 

* been taken from them.' The English shewed their sense of 
this moderation by offering to join in the attack on Granada, 
which offer was immediately accepted. 

The city of Granada is situated in a valley bordering on the 
Lake of Nicaragua, and is about 16 leagues distant from Leon. 
The Buccaneers were provided with guides, and to avoid giving 
the Spaniards suspicion of their design, Townley 's ship and the 
two barks were left at anchor near Cape Blanco, whilst the force 
destined to be employed against Granada proceeded in the 
canoes to the place at which it was proposed to land, directions 
being left with the ship and barks to follow in clue time. 

The 7th of April, 345 Buccaneers landed from the canoes, 
about twenty leagues NW-ward of Cape Blanco, and began 
their march, conducted by the guides, who led them through 
woods and unfrequented ways. They travelled night and day 
till the 9th, in hopes to reach the city before they were disco- 
vered by the inhabitants, or their having landed should be 
known by the Spaniards . 

The province of Nicaragua, in which Granada stands, is 
reckoned one of the most fertile in New Spain. The distance 
from where the Buccaneers landed, to the city, may be esti- 
mated 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 267 

mated about 60 miles. Yet they expected to come upon it chap. 23 . 
by surprise ; and in fact they did travel the greater part of the 1686. 
way without being seen by any inhabitant. Such a mark of the April, 
state of the population, corresponds with all the accounts given Gr °g nie t 
of the wretched tyranny exercised by the Spaniards over the Townley. 
nations they have conquered. 

The Buccaneers however were discovered in their second 
day's inarch, by people who were fishing in a river, some of 
whom immediately posted off with the intelligence. The Spa- 
niards had some time before been advertised by a deserter that 
the Buccaneers designed to attack Granada; but they were 
known to entertain designs upon so many places, and to be so 
fluctuating in their plans, that the Spaniards could only judge 
from certain intelligence where most to guard against their 
attempts. 

On the night of the 9th, fatigue and hunger obliged the 9th. 
Buccaneers to halt at a sugar plantation four leagues distant 
from the city. One man, unable to keep up with the rest, had 
been taken prisoner. The morning of the 1 Oth, they marched iotU. 
on, and from an eminence over which they passed, had a view 
of the Lake of Nicaragua, on which were seen two vessels sail- 
ing from the city. These vessels the Buccaneers afterwards 
learnt, were freighted with the richest moveables that at short 
notice the inhabitants had been able to embark, to be con- 
veyed for security to an Island in the Lake which was two 
leagues distant from the city. 

Granada was large and spacious, with magnificent churches 
and well-built houses. The ground is destitute of water, and 
the town is supplied from the Lake; nevertheless there were 
many large sugar plantations in the neighbourhood, some of 
which were like small towns, and had handsome churches. 
Granada was not regularly fortified, but had a place of arms sur- 
rounded with a wall, in the nature of a citadel, and furnished 

m m 2 with 



268 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

c h a p. 23 . w ith cannon. The great church was within this inclosed part of 

1686. the town. The Buccaneers arrived about two o'clock in the 

April. afternoon, and immediately assaulted the place of arms, which 

T r h xi Clty they carried with the loss of four men killed, and eight, 
ofNueva J . 

Granada wounded, most of them mortally. The first act of the victors, 
according to Lussan, was to sing Te Deum in the great church; 
and the next, to plunder. Provisions, military stores, and a 
quantity of merchandise, were found in the town, the latter of 
nth. which was of little or no value to the captors. The next day. 
they sent to enquire if the Spaniards would ransom the town, 
and the merchandise. It had been rumoured that the Bucca- 
neers would be unwilling to destroy Granada, because they pro- 
posed at some future period to make it their baiting place, in 
returning to the North Sea, and the Spaniards scarcely con- 
And Burnt, descended to make answer to the demand for ransom. The 
Buccaneers in revenge set fire to the houses. ' If we could have 
1 found boats,' says Lussan, ' to have gone on the lake, and 
'.*■ could have taken the two vessels laden with the riches of 
' Granada, we should have thought this a favourable oppor- 
' tunity for returning to the West Indies.' 
15th. On the 15th, they left Granada to return to the coast, 

which journey they performed in the most leisurely manner. 
They took with them a large cannon, with oxen to draw it, and 
some smaller guns which they laid upon mules. The weather 
was hot and dry, and the road so clouded with dust, as almost 
to stifle both men and beasts. Sufficient provision of water 
had not been made for the journey, and the oxen all died. 
The cannon was of course left on the road. Towards the latter 
part of the journey, water and refreshments were procured at 
some villages and houses, the inhabitants of which furnished 
supplies as a condition that their dwellings should be spared. 

On the 26th, they arrived at the sea and embarked in their 
vessels, taking on board with them a Spanish priest whom the 

Spaniards 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 269 

Spaniards would not redeem by delivering up their buccaneer chap. 23, 
prisoner. Most of the men wounded in the Granada expedition ^6. 
died of cramps. April. 

The 28th,- they came upon HiaLexa unexpectedly, and made 28th, 
one hundred of the inhabitants prisoners. By such means, Ria Lexa 
little could be gained more than present subsistence, and that 
was rendered very precarious by the Spaniards removing their 
cattle from the coast. It was therefore determined to put an end May. 
to their unprofitable continuance in one place ; but they could 
not agree where next to go. All the English, and one half of 
the French, were for sailing to the Bay of Panama. The other 
half of the French, 148 in number, with Grogniet at their head, 
declared for trying their fortunes North-westward. Division 
was made of the vessels and provisions. The whole money 
which the French had acquired by their depredations amounted 
to little more than 7000 dollars, and this sum they generously 
distributed among those of their countrymen who had been 
lamed or disabled. 

May the 19th, they parted company. Those bound for the Grogniet 
Bay of Panama, of whom Townley appears to have been Townley 
regarded the head, had a ship, a bark, and some large canoes. P art 
Townley proposed an attack on the town of Lavelia or La Villia, n 

J i l ' .Buccaneers 

at which place the treasure from the Lima ships had been under 
landed in the preceding year, and this proposal was approved. ° wn ey " 

Tornadoes and heavy rains kept them among the Keys Jlulc * 
of Qidbo till the middle of June. On the 20th of that month, 
they arrived off the Punta Mala, and during the day, they 
lay at a distance from the land with sails furled. At night 
the principal part of their force made for the land in the 
canoes ; but they had been deceived in the distance. Finding 
that they could not reach the river which leads to Lavelia 
before day, they took down the sails and masts, and went 

to 



270 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



chap. 23 . to three leagues distance from the land, where they lay all 
1686. the day of the £lst. Lussan, who was of this party of Buc- 
June. caneers, says that they were obliged to practise the same 

Buccaneers manoeuvre on the day following. In the middle of the night of 
the 22d, 160 Buccaneers landed from the canoes at the entrance 



Townley. 

23d. 
li.ivelia 
tat en. 



of the river. They were some hours in marching to Lavelia, 
yet the town w r as surprised, and above 300 of the inhabitants 
made prisoners. This was in admirable conformity with the rest 
of the management of the Spaniards* The fleet from Lima, 
laden with treasure intended for Panama, had, more than a year 
before, landed the treasure and rich merchandise at Lavelia, as 
a temporary measure of security against the Buccaneers, suited 
to the occasion. The Government at Panama, and the other 
proprietors, would not be at the trouble of getting it removed 
to Panama, except in such portions as might be required by 
some present convenience ; and allowed a great part to remain 
in Lavelia, a place of no defence, although during the whole 
time Buccaneers had been on the coast of Veragua, or Nica-* 
ragua, to whom it now became an easy prey, through indo- 
lence and a total want of vigilance, as well in the proprietors 
as in those whom they employed to guard it, 

Three Spanish barks were riding in the river, one of which 

the crews sunk, and so dismantled the others that no use eould 

be made of them ; but the Buccaneers found two boats in 

serviceable condition at a landing-place a quarter of a league 

below the town. The riches they now saw in their possession 

equalled their most sanguine expectations, and if secured, they 

thought would compensate for all former disappointments. 

The merchandise in Lavelia was estimated in value at a million 

and a half of piastres. The gold and silver found there amounted 

only to 15,000 piastres. 

The first day of being masters of Lavelia, was occupied by 

the 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 271 

the Buccaneers in making assortments of the most valuable chap. 23 
articles of the merchandise. The next morning, they loaded 1686. 
SO horses with bales, and a guard of 80 men went with them June. 
to the landing-place where the two boats above mentioned were . V* ™*.._ 
lying. In the way, one man of this escort was taken by the 
Spaniards. The two prize boats were by no means large enough 
to carry all the goods which the Buccaneers proposed to take 
fromLavelia; and on that account directions had been dis- 
patched to the people in the canoes at the entrance of the river 
to advance up towards the town. These directions they attempted 
to execute ; but the land bordering the river was woody, which 
exposed the canoes to the fire of a concealed enemy, and after 
losing one man, they desisted from advancing. For the same 
cause, it was thought proper not to send off the two loaded 
boats without a strong guard, and they did not move during 
this day. The Buccaneers sent a letter to the Spanish Alcalde, 
to demand if he would ransom the town, the merchandise, and 
the prisoners ; but the Alcalde refused to treat with them. In 
the afternoon therefore, they set fire to the town, and marched The Town 
to the landing-place where the two boats lay, and there rested setonfire - 
for the night. 

The river of Lavelia is broad, but shallow. Vessels of forty River of 
tons can go a league and a half within the entrance. The Laveua - 
landing-place is yet a league and a half farther up, and the 
town is a quarter of a mile from the landing-place*. 

On the morning of the 25th, the two boats, laden as deep as 25th. 
was safe, began to fall down the river, having on board nine 
men to conduct them. The main body of the Buccaneers at 
the same time marched along the bank on one side of the 
river for their protection. A body of Spaniards skreened by 
the woods, and unseen by the Buccaneers, kept pace with 

them ' 

* Raveneau de Lussan, p. 117. 



272 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 23 . them on the th e r side of the river, at a small distance within 
1686. the bank. The Buccaneers had marched about a league, and 
June. the boats had descended as far, when they came to a point of 
t ave m. ] an ^ on w hich the trees and underwood grew so thick as not 
to be penetrated without some labour and expencc of time, to 
which they did not choose to submit, but preferred making a 
circuit which took them about a quarter of a mile from the 
river. The Spaniards on the opposite side were on the watch, 
and not slow in taking advantage of their absence. They came 
to the bank, whence they fired upon the men in the laden 
boats, four of whom they killed, and wounded one ; the other 
four abandoned the boats and escaped into the thicket. The 
Spaniards took possession of the boats, and finding there the 
wounded Buccaneer, they cut off his head and fixed it on a stake 
which they set up by the side of the river at a place by which 
the rest of the Buccaneers would necessarily have to pass. 

The main body of the Buccaneers regained the side of the 
river in ignorance of what had happened ; and not seeing the 
boats, were for a time in doubt whether they were gone for- 
ward, or were still behind. The first notice they received of 
their loss was from the men who had escaped from the boats, 
who made their way through the thicket and joined them. 

Thus did this crew of Buccaneers, within a short space of 
time, win by circumspection and adroitness, and lose by negli- 
gence, the richest booty they had ever made. If quitting the 
bank of the river had been a matter of necessity, and unavoid- 
able, there was nothing but idleness to prevent their conveying 
their plunder the remainder of the distance to their boats 
by land. 

In making their way through the woods, they found the 
rudder, sails, and other furniture of the Spanish barks in the 
river; the barks themselves were near at hand, and the 

Buccaneers 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 273 

Buccaneers embarked in them ; but the flood tide making, chap. 23. 
they came to an anchor, and lay still for the night. 1686. 

The next morning, as they descended the river, they saw the June, 
boats which they had so richly freighted, now cleared of their 
lading and broken to pieces ; and near to their wreck, was the 
head which the Spaniards had stuck up. This spectacle, added 
to the mortifying loss of their booty, threw the Buccaneers into 
a frenzy, and they forthwith cut off the heads of four prisoners, 
and set them on poles in the same place. In the passage down 
the river, four more of the Buccaneers were killed by the firing 
of the Spaniards from the banks. 

The day after their retreat from the river of Lavelia, a 27th. 
Spaniard went off to them to treat for the release of the prisoners, 
and they came to an agreement that 10,000 pieces of eight 
should be paid for their ransom. Some among them who had 
wives were permitted to go on shore that they might assist in 
procuring the money ; but on the 29th, the same messenger again 
went offand acquainted them that the Alcalde Major would not 
only not suffer the relations of the prisoners to send money for 
their ransom, but that he had arrested some of those whom the 
Buccaneers had allowed to land. On receiving this report, these 
savages without hesitation cut off the heads of two of their 
prisoners, and delivered them to the messenger, to be carried 
to the Alcalde, with their assurance that if the ransom did not 
speedily arrive, the rest of the prisoners would be treated in 
the same manner. The next day the ransom was settled for 
the remaining prisoners, and for one of the captured barks ; 
the Spaniards paying partly with money, partly with provisions 
and necessaries, and with the release of the Buccaneer they had 
taken. In the agreement for the bark, the Spaniards required 
a note specifying that if the Buccaneers again met her, they 
should make prize only of the cargo, and not of the vessel. 

After the destruction of Lavelia, it might be supposed that 

N n the 



274 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 23. the perpetrators of so much mischief would not be allowed 
1686. with impunity to remain in the Bay of Panama; but such was 
July. the weakness or negligence of the Spaniards, that this small 

In the Bay body of freebooters continued several months in this same 

of Panama. , "1. . 1 •, 

neighbourhood, and at times under the very walls of the City. 
On another point, however, the Spaniards were more active, 
and with success ; for they concluded a treaty of peace and 
alliance with the Indians of the Isthmus, in consequence of 
which, the passage overland through the Darien country was 
no longer open to the Buccaneers ; and some small parties 
of them who attempted to travel across, were intercepted and 
cut off by the Spaniards, with the assistance of the natives. 

The Spaniards had at Panama a military corps distinguished 
by the appellation of Greeks, which was composed of Europeans 
of different nations, not natives of Spain. Among the atroci- 
ties committed by the crew under Townley, they put to death 
one of these Greeks, who was also Commander of a Spanish 
vessel, because on examining him for intelligence, they thought 
he endeavoured to deceive them ; and in aggravation of the 
deed, Lussan relates the circumstance in the usual manner 
of his pleasantries, i we paid him for his treachery by sending 
* him to the other world/ 
August. On the 20th of August, as t\\ey were at anchor within sight 
of the city of Panama, they observed boats passing and repass- 
ing between some vessels and the shore, and a kind of bustle 
Battle with which had the appearance of an equipment. The next day, the 
armed Buccaneers anchored near the Island Taboga ; and there, on the 
Ships, morning of the 2 2d, they were attacked by three armed vessels 
from Panama. The Spaniards were provided with cannon, and 
the battle lasted half the day, when, owing to an explosion 
of gunpowder in one of the Spanish vessels, the victory was 
decided in favour of the Buccaneers. Two of the three Spanish 
vessels were taken, as was also one other, which during the 

fight 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 275 

fight arrived from Panama as a reinforcement. In the last cha p. 23 . 
mentioned prize, cords were found prepared for binding their 1686. 
prisoners in the event of their being victorious ; and this, the August. 
Buccaneers deemed provocation sufficient for them to slaughter In the Ba J 
the whole crew. This battle, so fatal to the Spaniards, cost the 
Buccaneers only one man killed outright, and 22 wounded. 
Townley was among the wounded. 

Two of the prizes were immediately manned from the canoes, 
the largest under the command of Le Picard, who was the 
chief among the French of this party. 

They had many prisoners ; and one was sent with a letter to 
the President of Panama, to demand ransom for them; also 
medicines and dressings for the wounded, and the release of 
five Buccaneers who they learnt were prisoners to the Spaniards. 
The medicines were sent, but the President would not treat 
either of ransom, or of the release of the buccaneer prisoners. 
The Buccaneers dispatched a second message to the President, 
in which they threatened that if the five Buccaneers were not 
immediately delivered to them, the heads of all the Spaniards 
in their possession, should be sent to him. The President paid 
little attention to this message, not believing that such a threat 
would be executed ; but the Bishop of Panama, regarding 
what had recently happened at Lavelia as an earnest of what 
the Buccaneers were capable, was seriously alarmed. He wrote 
a letter to them which he sent by a special messenger, in which 
he exhorted them in the mildest terms not to shed the blood 
of innocent men, and promised if they would have patience, 
to exert his influence to procure the release of the buccaneer 
prisoners. His letter concluded with the following remarkable 
paragraph, which shews the great hopes entertained by the 
Homan Catholics respecting Great Britain during the Reign 
of King James the lid. ' I have information,' says the Bishop, 

7S N 2 ( to 



276 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 



CHAP. 2 



3; * to give you, that the English are all become Roman Catholics, 
1686. ' and that there is now a Catholic Church at Jamaica.' 
August. The good Prelate's letter was pronounced by the Buccaneers 
In the Bay to be void of truth and sincerity, and an insult to their under- 
standing. They had already received the price of blood, shed 
not in battle nor in their own defence; and now, devoting 
themselves to their thirst for gain, they would not be diverted 
from their sanguinary purpose, but came to the resolution of 
sending the heads of twenty Spaniards to the President, and 
with them a message purporting that if they did not receive a 
satisfactory answer to all their demands by the 28th of the 
month, the heads of the remaining prisoners should answer for 
it. Lussan says, ' the President's refusal obliged us, though 
' with some reluctance, to take the resolution to send him 
6 twenty heads of his people in a canoe. This method was 
' indeed a little violent, but it was the only way to bring the 
' Spaniards to reason *■/ 

What they had resolved they put into immediate execution. 
The President of Panama was entirely overcome by their in- 
human proceedings, and in the first shock and surprise, he 
yielded without stipulation to all they had demanded. On 
the 28th, the buccaneer prisoners (four Englishmen and one 
Frenchman) were delivered to them, with a letter from the 
President, who said he left to their own conscience the disposal 
of the Spanish prisoners yet remaining in their hands. 

To render the triumph of cruelty and ferocity more complete, 
the Buccaneers, in an answer to the President, charged the 
whole blame of what they had done to his obstinacy; in ex- 
change for the five Buccaneers, they sent only twelve ■ of their 
Spanish prisoners ; and they demanded 20,000 pieces of eight 

as 

* ' Ce moyen etoit a la verite ui} feu violent, mats c'etoit V unique pour mettre les 
* Espagnols a la raison. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 277 

as ransom of the remainder, which demand however, they cha p. 23. 
afterwards mitigated to half that sum and a supply of refresh- ^gg 
ments. On the 4th of September, the ransom was paid, and September. 
the prisoners were released. J" Panama 

September the 9 th, the buccaneer commander, Townley, Death of 
died of the wound he received in the last battle. The English Townle y- 
and French Buccaneers were faithful associates, but did not 
mix well as comrades. In a short time after Townley's death, 
the English desired that a division should be made of the prize 
vessels, artillery, and stores, and that those of their nation 
should keep together in the same vessels : and this was done, 
without other separation taking place at the time. 

In November, they left the Bay of Panama, and sailed West- November. 

ward to their old station near the Point de Burica, where, by ® n the „ 

Coast or 

surprising small towns, villages, and farms, a business at which New Spain, 
they had become extremely expert, they procured provisions ; 
and by the ransom of prisoners, some money. 

In January (1687) they intercepted a letter from the Spanish 1687. 
Commandant at Sonsonnate addressed to the President of January. 
Panama, by which they learnt that Grogniet had been in 
A?napalla Bay, and that three of his men had been taken 
prisoners. The Commandant remarked in his letter, that the 
peace made with the Darien Indians, having cut off the retreat 
of the Buccaneers, would drive, them to desperation, and 
render them like so many mad dogs; he advised therefore that 
some means should be adopted to facilitate their retreat, that 
the Spaniards in the South Sea might again enjoy repose. ' They 
6 have landed,' he says, ' in these parts ten or twelve times, with- 
' out knowing what they were seeking ; but zvheresoever they come, 
' they spoil and lay waste every thing.' 

A few days after intercepting this letter, they took prisoner 
a Spanish horseman. Lussan says, ' We interrogated him with 

« the 



273 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

c it a p. 23. « the usual ceremonies, that is to say, we gave him the torture, 

1687. ' to make him tell us what we wanted to know.' 
January. Man j such villanies were undoubtedly committed by these 

On the banditti, more than appear in their Narratives, or than they 
New Spain, dared to make known. Lussan, who writes a history of his 
voyage, not before the end of the second year of his adventures 
in the South Sea, relates that they put a prisoner to the torture ; 
and it would have appeared as an individual instance, if he had 
not, probably through inadvertence, acknowledged it to have 
been their established practice. Lussan on his return to his 
native land, pretended to reputation and character ; and he 
found countenance and favour from his superiors ; it is there- 
fore to be presumed, that he would suppress every transac- 
tion in which he was a participator, which he thought of too 
deep a nature to be received by his patrons with indulgence. 
A circumstance which tended to make this set of Buccaneers 
worse than any that had preceded them, was, its being com- 
posed of men of two nations between which there has existed 
a constant jealousy and emulation. They were each ambitious 
to outdo the other in acts of daringness, and were thereby 
instigated to every kind of excess. 
Grogniet On the 20th, near Caldera Bay, they met Grogniet with 
Them! sixty French Buccaneers in three canoes. Grogniet had parted 
from Townley at the head of 148 men. They had made several 
descents on the coast. At the Bay of Amapalla, they marched 
14 leagues within the coast to a gold-mine, where they took 
many prisoners, and a small quantity of gold. Grogniet wished 
to return overland to the West-Indian Sea, but the majority 
of his companions were differently inclined, and 85 quitted 
him, and went to try their fortunes towards California. Grogniet 
nevertheless persevered in the design with the remainder of his 
crew, to seek some part of the coast of New Spain, thin of 

inhabitants, 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. <m 

inhabitants, where they might land unknown to the Spaniards, c h a p. 23. 
and march without obstruction through the country to the ^esj. 
shore of the Atlantic, without other guide than a compass. The 
party they now met with, prevailed on them to defer the 
execution of this project to a season of the year more favour- 
able, and in the mean time to unite with them. 

In February, they set fire to the town of Nicoya. Their February. 
gains by these descents were so small, that they agreed to d - ■ e 7 
leave the coast of New Spain and to go against Guayaquil ; but 
on coming to this determination, the English and the French 
fell into high dispute for the priority of choice in the prize 
vessels which they expected to take, insomuch that upon this 
difference they broke off partnership. Grogniet however, and 
about fifty of the French, remained with the English, which 
made the whole number of that party 142 men, and they all 
embarked in one ship, the canoes not being safe for an open 
sea navigation. The other party numbered 162 men, all 
French, and embarked in a small ship and a Barca longa. The Both 

,. , . , Parties 

most curious circumstance attending this separation was, that sa il for the 
both parties persevered in the design upon Guayaquil, without C p ast oi 
any proposal being made by either to act in concert. They 
sailed from the coast of New Spain near the end of February, 
not in company, but each using all their exertions to arrive 
first at the place of destination. They crossed the Equinoctial They meet 
line separately, but afterwards at sea accidentally fell in com- ^1^" 
pany with each other again, and at this meeting they accom- 
modated their differences, and renewed their partnership. 

April the 13th, they Avere near Point Santa Elena, on the April, 
coast of Peru, and met there a prize vessel belonging to their 
old Commander Edward Davis and his Company, but which 
had been separated from him. She was laden with corn and 
wine, and eight of Davis's men had the care of her. They had 

been 



280 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 23. been directed in case of separation, to rendezvous at the Island 
1687. Plata; but the uncertainty of meeting Davis there, and the 
-April. danger they should incur if they missed him, made them glad to 
join in the expedition against Guayaquil, and the provisions 
with which the vessel was laden, made them welcome associates 
to the Buccaneers engaged in it. 
Attack on Their approach to the City of Guayaquil was conducted with 
the most practised circumspection and vigilance- On first 
getting sight of Point Santa Elena, they took in their sails and 
lay with them furled as long as there was daylight. In the 
night they pursued their course, keeping at a good distance 
from the land, till they were to the Southward of the Island 
i5 tn - Santa Clara. Two hundred and sixty men then (April the 15th) 
departed from the ships in canoes. They landed at Santa Clara, 
which was uninhabited, and at a part of the Island Puna dis- 
tant from any habitation, proceeding only during the night 
time, and lying in concealment during the day. 

In the night of the 1 7th, they approached the River Guaya- 

i8th. quit: At daylight, they were perceived by a guard on watch 

near the entrance, who lighted a fire as a signal to other 

guards stationed farther on ; by whom, however, the signal 

was not observed. The Buccaneers put as speedily as they 

could to the nearest land, and a party of the most alert made 

a circuit through the woods, and surprised the guard at the 

first signal station, before the alarm had spread farther. They 

19th. stopped near the entrance till night. All day of the 19th, they 

rested at an Island in the river, and at night advanced again. 

Their intention was to have passed the town in their canoes, 

and to have landed above it, where they would be the least 

expected ; but the tide of flood with which they ascended the 

river did not serve long enough for their purpose, and on the 

20th. 20th, two hours before day, they landed a short distance below 

the 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 281 

the town, towards which they began to march ; but the ground chap. 23. 
was marshy and overgrown with brushwood. Thus far they 1687. 
had proceeded undiscovered ; when one of the Buccaneers left April, 
to guard the canoes struck a light to smoke tobacco, which 
was perceived by a Spanish sentinel on the shore opposite, who 
immediately fired his piece, and gave alarm to the Fort and 
Town. This discovery and the badness of the road caused the 
Buccaneers to defer the attack till daylight. The town of 
Guayaquil is built round a mountain, on which were three forts 
which overlooked the town. The Spaniards made a tolerable The City 
defence, but by the middle of the day they were driven from 
all their forts, and the town was left to the Buccaneers, 
detachments of whom were sent to endeavour to bring in 
prisoners, whilst a chosen party went to the Great Church to 
chant Te Drum. 

Nine Buccaneers were killed and twelve wounded in the 
attack. The booty found in the town was considerable in 
jewels, merchandise, and silver, particularly in church plate, 
besides 92,000 dollars in money, and they took seven hundred 
prisoners, among whom were the Governor and his family. 
Fourteen vessels lay at anchor in the Port, and two ships were 
on the stocks nearly fit for launching. 

On the evening of the day that the city was taken, the 
Governor (being a prisoner) entered into treaty with the Buc- 
caneers, for the City, Fort, Shipping, himself, and all the 
prisoners, to be redeemed for a million pieces of eight, to be 
paid in gold, and 400 packages of flour; and to hasten the 
procurement of the money, which was to be brought from 
Quito, the Vicar General of the district, who was also a prisoner, 
was released. 

The 21st, in the night, by the carelessness of a Buccaneer, 21st. 
one of the houses took fire, which communicated to other 

O o houses 



an BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 23. houses with such rapidity, that one third of the city was de- 

1687. stroyed before its progress was stopped. It had been specified 

April- in the treaty, that the Buccaneers should not set fire to the 

c At ., town ; * therefore/ says Lussan, ' lest in consequence of this 

i accident, the Spaniards should refuse to pay the ransom, 

* we pretended to believe it was their doing.' 

Many bodies of the Spaniards killed in the assault of 
the town, remained unburied where they had fallen, and the 
Buccaneers were apprehensive that some infectious disorder 
24th. would thereby be produced. They hastened therefore to em- 
bark on board the vessels in the port, their plunder and 500 of 
their prisoners, with which, on the 25th, they fell down the 
At the River to the Island Puna, where they proposed to wait for 
Pu"* the ransom. 

May. On the 2d of May, Captain Grogniet died of a wound he 

Grogmet rece i vea > a t Guayaquil. Le Picard was afterwards the chief 

dies. J -* 

among the French Buccaneers. 

The 5th of May had been named for the payment of the 
ransom, from which time the money was daily and with 
increasing impatience expected by the Buccaneers. It was 
known that Spanish ships of war were equipping at Callao 
purposely to attack them ; and also that their former Com- 
mander, Edward Davis, with a good ship, was near this part 
of the coast. They were anxious to have his company, and on 
the 4tb, dispatched a galley to seek him at the Island Plata, 
the place of rendezvous he had appointed for his prize. 

The 5th passed without any appearance of ransom money; 
as did many following days. The Spaniards, however, regularly 
sent provisions to the ships at Puna every day, otherwise the 
prisoners would have starved ; but in lieu of money they sub- 
stituted nothing better than promises. The Buccaneers would 
have felt it humiliation to appear less ferocious than on former 

occasions, 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 283 

occasions, and they recurred to their old mode of intimida- chap. 23. 
tion. They made the prisoners throw dice to determine which ^7. 
of them should die, and the heads of four on whom the lot fell May. 
were delivered to a Spanish officer in answer to excuses for -J' the 

JslcLnd 

delay which he had brought from the Lieutenant Governor of p U na. 
Guayaquil, with an intimation that at the end of four days 
more five hundred heads should follow, if the ransom did 
not arrive. 

On the 14th, their galley which had been sent in search of 14th. 
Davis returned, not having found him at the Island Plata ; but 
she brought notice of two strange sail being near the Cape 
Santa Elena. These proved to be Edward Davis's ship, and a 
prize. Davis had received intelligence, as already mentioned, Edward 
of the Buccaneers having captured Guayaquil, and was now P 3 ^ 

or j 1 ' joins 

come purposely to join them. He sent his prize to the Bucca- Le Picard. 
neers at Puna, and remained with his own ship in the offing on 
the look-out. 

The four days allowed for the payment of the ransom expired, 
and no ransom was sent; neither did the Buccaneers execute 
their sanguinary threat. It is worthy of remark, that intreaty 
or intercession made to this set of Buccaneers, so far from ob- 
taining remission or favour, at all times produced the opposite 
effect, as if reminding them of their power, instigated them 
to an imperious display of it. The Lieutenant Governor of 
Guayaquil was in no haste to fulfil the terms of the treaty made 
by the Governor, nor did he importune them with solicitations, 
and the whole business for a time lay at rest. The forbearance 
of the Buccaneers may not unjustly be attributed to Davis 
having joined them. 

On the 23d, the Spaniards paid to the Buccaneers as much 23d. 
gold as amounted in value to 20,000 pieces of eight, and eighty 
packages of flour, as part of the ransom. The day following, 

O o 2 the 



284 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

c h a p. 23 . the Lieutenant Governor sent word, that they might receive 

1687. 22,000 pieces of eight more for the release of the prisoners, and 

May. if that sum would not satisfy them, they might do their worst, 

At the f or that no greater would be paid them. Upon this message, 

Puna. the Buccaneers held a consultation, whether they should cut 

off the heads of all the prisoners, or take the 22,000 pieces of 

eight, and it was determined, not unanimously, but by a 

majority of voices, that it was better to take a little money than 

to cut off many heads. 

Lussan, his own biographer and a young man, boasts of the 
pleasant manner in which he passed his time at Pima. ' We 

* made good cheer, being daily supplied with refreshments 
4 from Guayaquil. We had concerts of music; we had the best 

* performers of the city among our prisoners. Some among us 

* engaged in friendships with our women prisoners, who were 
' not hard hearted.' This is said by way of prelude to a history 
which he gives of his own good fortune ; all which, whether 
true or otherwise, serves to shew, that among this abandoned 
crew the prisoners of both sexes were equally unprotected. 

26th. On the 26th, the 22,000 pieces of eight were paid to the 

Buccaneers, who selected a hundred prisoners of the most con- 
sideration to retain, and released the rest. The same day, they 
quitted their anchorage at Puna, intending to anchor again at 
Point Santa Elena, and there to enter afresh into negociation 
for ransom of prisoners : but in the evening, two Spanish Ships 
of War came in sight. 

The engagement which ensued, and other proceedings of the 

Buccaneers, until Edward Davis parted company to return 

See pp.196 homeward by the South of A merica, has been related. It re- 

to 200. mains to give an account of the French Buccaneers after the 
separation, to their finally quitting the South Sea. 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 285 



CHAP. XXIV. 

Retreat of the French Buccaneers across New Spain to the 
West Indies. All the Buccaneers quit the South Sea. 

r THHE party left by Davis consisted of 250 Buccaneers, the chap. 24. 

greater number of whom were French, the rest were "^587"" 
English, and their leaders Le Picard and George Hout. They j line# 
had determined to quit the South Sea, and with that view to Le Picard 
sail to the coast of New Spain, whence they proposed to march and Hout. 
over land to the shore of the Caribbean Sea. 

About the end of July, they anchored in the Bay of Amapalla, July. 
and were joined there by thirty French Buccaneers. These 0n tlle 
thirty were part of a crew which had formerly quitted Grogniet New Spain. 
to cruise towards California. Others of that party were still on 
the coast to the North-West, and the Buccaneers in Amapalla 
Hay put to sea in search of them, that all of their fraternity in 
the South Sea might be collected, and depart together. 

In the search after their former companions, they landed at 
different places on the coast of New Spain. Among their 
adventures here, they took, and remained four days in posses- 
sion of, the Town of Tecoantepeque, but without any profit to 
themselves. At Guatulco, they plundered some plantations, 
and obtained provisions in ransom for prisoners. Whilst they 
lay there at anchor, they saw a vessel in the offing, which 
from her appearance, and manner of working her sails, they 
believed to contain the people they were seeking; but the 
wind and sea set so strong on the shore at the time, that neither 
their vessels nor boats could go out to ascertain what she was ; 
and after that day, they did not see her again. 

In 



286 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

chap. 24 . In the middle of December thej returned to the Bay of 
1687. Amapalla, which they had fixed upon for the place of their 

December, departure from the shores of the South Sea. Their plan was, to 
In march by the town of Nueva Segovia, which had before been 
Bay. visited by Buccaneers, and they now expected would furnish 
them with provisions. According to Lussan's information, the 
distance they would have to travel by land from Amapalla Bay, 
was about 60 leagues, when they would come to the source of 
a river, by which they could descend to the Caribbean Sea, 
near to Cape Gracias a Dios. 

Whilst they made preparation for their march, they were 
anxious to obtain intelligence what force the Spaniards had in 
their proposed route, but the natives kept at a distance. On 
the 18th, seventy Buccaneers landed and marched into the 
country, of which adventure Lussan gives the account follow- 
ing. They travelled the whole day without meeting an inha- 
bitant. They rested for the night, and next morning proceeded 
in their journey, but all seemed a desert, and about noon, the 
majority were dissatisfied and turned back. Twenty went on ; 
and soon after came to a beaten road, on which they perceived 
three horsemen riding towards them, whom they way-laid so 
effectually as to take them all. By these men they learnt the 

Chiloteca. way to a small town named Chiloteca, to which they went and 
there made fifty of the inhabitants prisoners. Thej T took up 
their quarters in the church, where they also lodged their 
prisoners, and intended to have rested during the night ; but 
after dark, they heard much bustle in the town, which made 
them apprehensive the Spaniards were preparing to attack 
them, and the noise caused in the prisoners the appearance of 

Massacre of a disposition to rise; upon which, the Buccaneers slew them 
all except four, whom they carried away with them, and 
reached the vessels without being molested in their retreat. 

The 



IN THE SOUTH SEA. 287 

The prisoners were interrogated ; and the accounts they gave chap. 24. 
confirmed the Buccaneers in the opinion that they had no 1687. 
better chance of transporting themselves and their plunder to December. 
the North Sea, than by immediately setting about the execution In 
of the plan they had formed. To settle the order of the march, Bay. 
they landed their riches and the stores necessary for their 
journey, on one of the Islands in the Bay; and that their The 
number might not suffer diminution by the defection of any, it bunTthdr^ 
was agreed to destroy the vessels, which was executed forthwith, Vessels. 
with the reserve of one galley and the canoes, which were 
necessary for the transport of themselves and their effects to 
the main land. They made a muster of their force, which they 
divided into four companies, each consisting of seventy men, 
and every man having his arms and accoutrements. Whilst 
these matters were arranging, a detachment of 100 men were 
sent to the main land to endeavour to get horses. 

They had destroyed their vessels, and had not removed from 
the Island, when a large Spanish armed ship anchored in 
Amapalla Bay ; but she was not able to give them annoyance, 
nor in the least to impede their operations. On the 1st of 1688. 
January, 168S, they passed over, with their effects, to the aru,ai y' 
main land, and the same day, the party which had gone in 
search of horses, returned, bringing with them sixty-eight, 
which were divided equally among the four companies, to be 
employed in carrying stores and provisions, as were eighty 
prisoners, who besides being carriers of stores, were made to 
carry the sick and wounded. Every Buccaneer had his par- 
ticular sack, or package, which it was required should contain 
his ammunition; what else, was at his own discretion. 

Many of these Buccaneers had more silver than themselves 
were able to carry. There were also many who had neither 
silver nor gold, and were little encumbered with effects of their 

own : 



288 BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA 

c h a p. 24. own : these light freighted gentry were glad to be hired as 

1688.* porters to the rich, and the contract for carrying silver, on this 

January, occasion, was one half; that is to say, that on arriving at the 

. In „ North Sea, there should be an equal division between the 

•AmapalJa . . l 

Bay. employer and the carrier. Carriage of gold or other valuables 
was according to particular agreement. Lussan, who no doubt 
was as sharp a rogue as any among his companions, relates of 
himself, that he had been fortunate at play, and that his 
winnings added to his share of plunder, amounted to 30,000 
pieces of eight, the whole of which he had converted into gold 
and jewels ; and that whilst they were making ready for their 
march, he received warning from a friend that a gang had been 
formed by about twenty of the poorer Buccaneers, with the 
intention to waylay and strip those of their brethren, who had 
been most fortunate. On considering the danger and great 
difficulty of having to guard against the machinations of hungry 
conspirators who were to be his fellow-travellers in a long 
journey, and might have opportunities to perpetrate their 
mischievous intentions during any fight with the Spaniards, 
Lussan came to the resolution of making a sacrifice of part of 
his riches to insure the remaining part, and to lessen the 
temptation to any individual to seek his death. To this end he 
divided his treasure into a number of small parcels, which he 
confided to the care of so many of his companions, making 
agreement with each for the carriage. 
Retreat January the 2d, in the morning, they began their march, an 
Buccaneers advanced guard being established to consist of ten men from 
over land each company, who were to be relieved every morning by ten 

to ttl6 ~W"6St 

Indian Sea. others. At night they rested at four leagues distance, according 
to their estimation, from the border of the sea. 

The first part of Lussan's account of this journey has little 
of adventure or description. The difficulties experienced were 

what 



ON THE ISTHMUS. 289 

what had been foreseen, such as the inhabitants driving away chap. 24 . 
cattle and removing provisions, setting fire to the dry grass 1688. 
when it could annoy them in their march ; and sometimes the January. 
Buccaneers were fired at by unseen shooters. They rested at Retreat 
villages and farms when they found any in their route, where, Buccaneers 
and also by making prisoners, they obtained provisions. When 0V t e J t £" 
no habitations or buildings were at hand, they generally West indies. 
encamped at night on a hill, or in open ground. Very early in 
their march they were attended by a body of Spanish troops 
at a small distance, the music of whose trumpets afforded them 
entertainment every morning and evening ; ' but/ says Lussan, 

* it was like the music of the enchanted palace of Psyche, 
' which was heard without the musicians being visible/ 

On the forenoon of the 9th, notwithstanding their vigilance, 
the Buccaneers were saluted with an unexpected volley of 
musketry which killed two men; and this was the only mis- 
chance that befel them in their march from the Western Sea to 
Segovia, which town they entered on the 11th of January, 
without hindrance, and found it without inhabitants, and 
cleared of every kind of provisions. 

4 The town of Segovia is situated in a vale, and is so sur- Town of 

TVT 

e rounded with mountains that it seems to be a prisoner there. s eg;o e ^ a 
' The churches are ill built. The place of arms, or parade, 
6 is large and handsome, as are many of the houses. It is 

* distant from the shore of the South Sea forty leagues : The 

* road is difficult, the country being extremely mountainous.' 

On the 12th, they left Segovia and without injuring the 
houses, a forbearance to which they had little accustomed 
themselves ; but present circumstances brought to their con- 
sideration that if it should be their evil fortune to be called to 
account, it might be quite as well for them not to add the 
burning of Segovia to the reckoning. 

P .p The 



syo ON THE ISTHMUS 

chap. 24 , The 13th, an hour before sunset, thej ascended a hill, which 
1688. appeared a good station to occupy for the night. When they 
January, arrived at the summit, they perceived on the slope of the next 
Retreat mountain before them, a great number of horses grazing (Lussan 
says between twelve and fifteen hundred), which at the first 
sight they mistook for horned cattle, and congratulated each 
other on the near prospect of a good meal ; but it was soon 
discovered they were horses, and that a number of them were 
saddled : intrenchments also were discerned near the same 
place, and finally, troops. This part of the country was a thick 
forest, with deep gullies, and not intersected with any path 
excepting the road they were travelling, which led across the 
mountain where the Spaniards were intrenched. On recon- 
noitring the position of the Spaniards, the road beyond them 
was seen to the right of the intrenchments. The Buccaneers 
on short consultation, determined that they would endeavour 
under cover of the night to penetrate the wood to their right, 
so as to arrive at the road beyond the Spanish camp, and come 
on it by surprise. 

This plan was similar to that which they had projected at 
Guayaquil, and was a business exactly suited to the habits and 
inclinations of these adventurers, who more than any other of 
their calling, or perhaps than the native tribes of North America, 
were practised and expert in veiling their purpose so as not to 
awaken suspicion ; in concealing themselves by day and making 
silent advances by night, and in all the arts by which even the 
most wary may be ensnared. Here, immediately after fixing 
their plan, they began to intrench and fortify the ground they 
occupied, and made all the dispositions which troops usually 
do who halt for the night. This encampment, besides impress- 
ing the Spaniards with the belief that they intended to pass the 

night 



OF AMERICA, 291 

night in repose, was necessary to the securing their baggage t CHA p - 2 4 ; 
and prisoners. 1688. 

Rest seemed necessary and due to the Buccaneers after a January, 
toilsome day's march, and so it was thought by the Spanish Retreat 
Commander, who seeing them fortify their quarters, doubted 
not that they meant to do themselves justice; but an hour after 
the close of day, two hundred Buccaneers departed from their 
camp. The moon shone out bright, which gave them light to 
penetrate the woods, whilst the woods gave them concealment 
from the Spaniards, and the Spaniards kept small lookout. 
Before midnight, they were near enough to hear the Spaniards 
chanting Litanies, and Jong before daylight were in the road 
beyond the Spanish encampment. They waited till the day 
broke, and then pushed for the camp, which, as had been con- 
jectured, was entirely open on this side. Two Spanish sentinels 
discovered the approach of the enemy, and gave alarm ; but 
the Buccaneers were immediately after in the camp, and the 
Spanish troops disturbed from their sleep had neither time nor 
recollection for any other measure than to save themselves by 
flight. They abandoned all the intrenchments, and the Bucca- 
neers being masters of the pass, were soon joined by the party 
who had charge of the baggage and prisoners. In this affair, 
the loss of the Buccaneers was only two men killed, and four 
wounded. 

In the remaining part of their journey, they met no serious 
obstruction, and were not at any time distressed by a scarcity 
of provisions. Lussan says they led from the Spanish encamp- 
ment 900 horses, which served them for carriage, for present 
food, and to salt for future provision when they should arrive 
at the sea shore. 

On the 17th of January, which was the 16th of their journey, Rio de 
they came to the banks of a river by which they were to Ca e R'? 1 • 
p p 2 descend 



292 ON THE ISTHMUS 

chap. 24. descend to the Caribbean Sea. This river has its source among 

1688. the mountains of Nueva Segovia, and falls into the sea to the 

January. South of Cape Gracias a Dios about 14 leagues, according to 

Retreat D'Anville's Map, in which it is called Rio de Yare. Dampier 

across the . . L 

Isthrnus makes it/ fall into the sea something more to the Southward, 

to the West an( j names ft t h e Cape River. 
Indian bea. r 

The country here was not occupied nor frequented by the 

Spaniards, and was inhabited only in a few places by small 

tribes of native Americans. The Buccaneers cut down trees, and 

made rafts or catamarans for the conveyance of themselves and 

their effects down the stream. On account of the falls, the 

rafts were constructed each to carry no more than two persons 

with their luggage, and every man went provided with a pole 

to guide the raft clear of rocks and shallows. 

In the commencement of this fresh-water navigation, their 
maritime experience, with all the pains they could take, did 
not prevent their getting into whirlpools, where the rafts were 
overturned, with danger to the men and frequently with the 
loss of part of the lading. When they came to a fall which 
appeared more than usually dangerous, they put ashore, took 
their rafts to pieces, and carried all below the fall, where they 
re-accommodated matters and embarked again. The rapidity 
of the stream meeting many obstructions, raised a foam and 
spray that kept every thing on the rafts constantly wet ; the 
salted horse flesh was in a short time entirely spoilt, and their 
ammunition in a state not to be of service in supplying them 
with game. Fortunately for them the banks of the river 
abounded in banana-trees, both wild and in plantations. 

When they first embarked on the river, the rafts went 
in close company; but the irregularity and violence of the 
stream, continually entangled and drove them against each 
other, on which account the method was changed, and distances 

preserved. 



OF AMERICA. 293 

preserved. This gave opportunity to the desperadoes who had chap. 24. 
conspired against their companions to commence their opera- 1688. 
tions, which they directed against five Englishmen, whom they Retreat 

\ ■ ', . across the 

killed and despoiled. The murderers absconded in the woods Isthmus 
with their prey, and were not afterwards seen by the company. indkn Sea" 

The 20th of February they had passed all the falls, and "February. 
were at a broad deep and smooth part of the river, where they 
found no other obstruction than trees and drift-wood floating. 
As they were near the sea, many stopped and began to build 
canoes. Some English Buccaneers who went lower down the 
river, found at anchor an English vessel belonging to Jamaica, 
from which they learnt that the French Government had just 
proclaimed an amnesty in favour of those who since the Peace 
made with Spain had committed acts of piracy, upon condition 
of their claiming the benefit of the Proclamation within a 
specified time. A similar proclamation had been issued in the 
year 1687 by the English Government; but as it was not clear 
from the report made by the crew of the Jamaica vessel, whether 
it yet operated, the English Buccaneers would not embark for 
Jamaica. They sent by two Mosquito Indians, an account of 
the news they had heard to the French Buccaneers, with notice 
that there was a vessel at the mouth of the river capable of 
accommodating not more than forty persons. Immediately on 
receiving the intelligence, above a hundred of the French set 
off in all haste for the vessel, every one of whom pretended to 
be of the forty. Those who first arrived on board, took up the 
anchor as speedily as the}' could, and set sail, whilst those who 
were behind called loudly for a decision by lot or dice; but 
the first comers were content to rest their title on possession. 

The English Buccaneers remained for the present with the 
Mosquito Indians near Cape Gracias a Dios, ' who/ says 
Lussan, * have an affection for the English, on account of the 

* many 



294 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 24. < many little commodities which they bring them from the 
1688. ' Island of Jamaica. ' The greater part of the French Bucca- 
neers went to the French settlements ; but seventy-five of them 
who went to Jamaica, were apprehended and detained prisoners 
by the Duke of Albemarle, who was then Governor, and their 
effects sequestrated. They remained in prison until the death 
of the Duke, which happened in the following year, when they 
were released ; but neither their arms nor plunder were returned 
to them. 

The South Sea was now cleared of the main body of the 
Buccaneers. A few stragglers remained, concerning whom 
some scattered notices are found, of which the following are 
the heads. 

La Pava. Seixas mentions an English frigate named La Pava, being 
wrecked in the Strait of Magalhanes in the year 1687; and that 
her loss was occasioned by currents*. By the name being 
Spanish (signifying the Hen) this vessel must have been a prize 
to the Buccaneers. 

In the Narrative of the loss of the Wager, by Bulkeley and 
Cummins, it is mentioned that they found at Port Desire 

Captain cut on a brick, in very legible characters, " Captain Straiton, 

Straiton. lg cannor)j 1687." Most probably this was meant of a Bucca- 
neer vessel. 

Le Sage. At the time that the English and French Buccaneers were 
crossing the Isthmus in great numbers from the West Indies to 
the South Sea, two hundred French Buccaneers departed from 
Hispaniola in a ship commanded by a Captain Le Sage, intending 
to go to the South Sea by the Strait of Magalhanes ; but having 
chosen a wrong season of the year for that passage, and finding 
the winds unfavourable, they stood over to the coast of Africa, 
where they continued cruising two years, and returned to the 

West 
* Theatro Naval, fol. 61,1. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 295 

West Indies with great booty, obtained at the expence of the chap. 24. 

-V"" 1 " 

Hollanders. 

The small crew of French Buccaneers in the South Sea who Small Crew 
were a part of those who had separated from Grogniet to cruise Buccaneers 
near California, and for whom Le Picard had sought in vain on at the 

Tres iYlciricis* 

the coast of New Spain, were necessitated by the smallness of 
their force, and the bad state of their vessel, to shelter them- 
selves at the Tres Marias Islands in the entrance of the Gulf of 
California. It is said that they remained four years among 
those Islands, at the end of which time, they determined, 
rather than to pass the rest of their lives in so desolate a place, 
to sail Southward, though with little other prospect or hope 
than that they should meet some of their former comrades; 
instead of which, on looking in at Arica on the coast of Peru, Their 
they found at anchor in the road a Spanish ship, which they Ad ventures, 
took, and in her a large quantity of treasure. The Buccaneers to the 
embarked in their prize, and proceeded Southward for the 
Atlantic, but were cast ashore in the Strait of Magalhanes. 
Part of the treasure, and as much of the wreck of the vessel as 
served to construct two sloops, were saved, with which, after 
so many perils, they arrived safe in the West Indies. 

Le Sieur Froger, in his account of the Voyage of M. de Story 
Gennes, has introduced a narrative of a party of French Buc- ^esLu/ 
cancers or Flibustiers going from Saint Domingo to the South Froger. 
Sea, in the year 1 686; which is evidently a romance fabricated 
from the descriptions which had been given of their general 
courses and habits. These proteges of Le Sieur Froger, like 
the Buccaneer crew from the Tres Marias Islands just men- 
tioned, were reduced to great distress, — took a rich prize after- 
wards on the coast of Peru, — were returning to the Atlantic, 
and lost their ship in the Strait of Magalhanes. They were ten 

months 



296 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 24 . months in the Strait building a bark, which thej loaded with 
the best of what they had saved of the cargo of their ship, and 
in the end arrived safe at Cayenne*. Funnel also mentions a 
report which he heard, of a small crew of French Buccaneers, 
not more than twenty, whose adventures were of the same 
cast ; and who probably were the Tres Marias Buccaneers. 

It has been related that five Buccaneers who had gamed 
away their money, unwilling to return poor out of the South 
Sea, landed at the Island Juan Fernandez from Edward Davis's 
ship, about the end of the year 1687, and were left there. In 
1690, the English ship Welfare, commanded by Captain John 
Strong, anchored at Juan Fernandez ; of which voyage two 
journals have been preserved among the MSS in the Sloane 
Collection in the British Museum, from which the following: 
account is taken, , 

The Farewell arrived off the Island on the evening of October 
the 11th, 1690. In the night, those onboard were surprised at 
seeing a fire on an elevated part of the land. Early next 
morning, a boat was sent on shore, which soon returned, bring- 
ing off from the Island two Englishmen. These were part of 
trie five who had landed from Davis's ship. They piloted the 
Welfare to a good anchoring place. 
Buccaneers In the three years that they had lived on Juan Fernandez, 
three years they had not, until the arrival of the Welfare, seen any other 
t i 0r VT 6 sm P s t nan Spaniards, which was a great disappointment to them. 
Fernandez. The Spaniards had landed and had endeavoured to take them, 
but they had found concealment in the woods; one excepted, 
who deserted from his companions, and delivered himself up to 
the Spaniards. The four remaining, when they learnt that the 
Buccaneers had entirely quitted the South Sea, willingly 

embarked 



* Relation du Voyage de M. de Gennes, p. 106. Paris, 1698. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 297 

embarked with Captain Strong, and with them four servants or i CHA p - 2 4- 
slaves. Nothing is said of the manner in which thej employed 
themselves whilst on the Island, except of their contriving 
subterraneous places of concealment that the Spaniards should 
not find them, and of their taming a great number of goats, so 
that at one time they had a tame stock of 300. 



Qq 



298 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. XXV. 

Steps taken towards reducing the Buccaneers and Flibustiers 
under subordination to the regular Governments. War of the 
Grand Alliance against France. The Neutrality of the Island 
Saint Christopher broken. 

chap. 25. TT7HILST these matters were passing in the Pacific Ocean, 
small progress was made in the reform which had been 
begun in the West Indies. The English Governors by a few 
examples of severity restrained the English Buccaneers from 
undertaking any enterprise of magnitude. With the French, 
the case was different. The number of the Flibustiers who 
absented themselves from Hispaniola, to go to the South Sea, 
alarmed the French Government for the safety of their colonies, 
and especially of their settlements in Hispaniola, the security 
and defence of which against the Spaniards they had almost 
wholly rested on its being the place of residence and the home 
of those adventurers. To persist in a rigorous police against 
their cruising, it was apprehended would make the rest of them 
quit Hispaniola, for which reason it was judged prudent to relax 
in the enforcement of the prohibitions ; the Flibustiers accord- 
ingly continued their courses as usual. 
1686, In 1686, Granmont and De Graaf prepared an armament 

against Campeachy. M. de Cussy, who was Governor ofTortuga 
and the French part of Hispaniola, applied personally to them 
to relinquish their design ; but as the force was collected, and 
all preparation made, neither the Flibustiers nor their Com- 
manders would be dissuaded from the undertaking, and De 
Campeachy Cussy submitted. Campeachy was plundered and burnt. 
burnt - A measure 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 299 

A measure was adopted by the French Government which chap. 25 . 
certainly trenched on the honour of the regular military esta- jggg. 
blishments of France, but was attended with success in bringing 
the Flibustiers more under control and rendering them more 
manageable. This was, the taking into the King's service some 
of the principal leaders of the Flibustiers, and giving them 
commissions of advanced rank, either in the land service or in 
the French marine. A commission was made out for Gran- Granmont. 
mont, appointing him Commandant on the South coast of 
Saint Domingo, with the rank of Lieutenant du Roy. But of 
Granmont as a Buccaneer, it might be said in the language of 
sportsmen, that he was game to the last. Before the commis- 
sion arrived, he received information of the honour intended 
him, and whilst yet in his state of libert}*", was seized with the 
wish to make one more cruise. He armed a ship, and, with a 
crew of 180 Flibustiers in her, put to sea. This was near the 
end of the year 1686 ; and what afterwards became of him and 
his followers is not known, for they were not again seen or 
heard of. 

In the beginning of 1687, a commission arrived from France, 1687. 
appointing De Graaf Major in the King's army in the West 
Indies. He was then with a crew of Flibustiers near Carthagena. 
In this cruise, twenty-five of his men who landed in the Gulf 
of Darien, were cut off by the Darien Indians. De Graaf on 
his return into port accepted his commission, and when trans- 
formed to an officer in the King's army, became, like Morgan, 
a great scourge to the Flibustiers and Forbans. 

In consequence of complaints made by the Spaniards, a Proclama- 
Proclamation was issued at this time, by the King of Great ^p^es" 5 
Britain, James the Hd, specified in the title to be ' for the 
4 more effectual reducing and suppressing of Pirates and Priva- 
* teers in America, as well on the sea as on the land, who in 

q q 2 ' great 



300 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 25. « great numbers have committed frequent robberies, which hath 
1688. ' occasioned great prejudice and obstruction to Trade and 
4 Commerce.' 

A twenty years truce had, in the year 1686, been agreed 

upon between France and Spain, but scarcely a twentieth part 

of that time was suffered to elapse before it was broken in the 

West Indies. The Flibustiers of Hispaniola did not content 

Danish themselves with their customary practice: in 1688 they plun- 

robbed?y dered the Danish Factory at the Island St. Thomas, which is 

tne one of the small Islands called the Virgins, near the East end of 

Buccaneers. 

' Porto Rico. This was an aggression beyond the limits which 
they had professed to prescribe to their depredatory system, 
and it is not shewn that they had received injury at the hands 
of the Danes. Nevertheless, the French West-India histories 
say, ' Our Flibustiers (nos Flibustiers), in 1688, surprised the 
' Danish Factory at St. Thomas. The pillage was considerable, 
' and would have been more if they had known that the chief 
' part of the cash was kept in a vault under the hall, which was 

* known to very few of the house. They forgot on this occa- 

* sion their ordinary practice, which is to put their prisoners to 
' the torture to make them declare where the money is. It is 

* certain that if they had so done, the hiding-place would have 

* been revealed to them, in which it was believed there was 
c more than 500,000 livres,' Such remarks shew the strong 
prepossession which existed in favour of the Buccaneers, and 
an eagerness undistinguishing and determined after the extra- 
ordinary. Qualities the most common to the whole of mankind 
were received as wonderful when related of the Buccaneers. 
One of our Encyclopedias, under the article Buccaneer, says, 

* they were transported with an astonishing degree of enthu- 

* siasm whenever they saw a sail.' 

In this same year, 1688, war broke out in Europe between 

the 



• 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 301 

the French and Spaniards, and in a short time the English chap. 25. 

joined against the French. ^gg. 

England and France had at no period since the Norman con- July. 

quest been longer without serious quarrel. On the accession TheEnglish 
r TT7-1T 1 ttt i 1 f /-i t» • • • driven from 

ot William the iLld. to the crowns of Great Britain, it was St. Chris- 

generally believed that a war with France would ensue. The to P her - 
French in the West Indies did not wait for its being declared, 
but attacked the English part of St. Christopher, the Island on 
which by joint agreement had been made the original and con- 
federated first settlements of the two Nations in the West Indies. See p. 38. 
The English inhabitants were driven from their possessions and 
obliged to retire to the Island Nevis, which terminated the 
longest preserved union which history can shew between the 
English and French as subjects of different nations. In the 
commencement it was strongly cemented by the mutual want 
of support against a powerful enemy ; that motive for their 
adherence to each other had ceased to exist : yet in the reigns 
of Charles the lid. and James the lid. of England, an agree- 
ment had been made between England and France, that if war 
should at any time break out between them, a neutrality should 
be observed by their subjects in the West Indies. 

This war continued nearly to the end of King William's 
reign, and during that time the English and French Buccaneers 
were engaged on opposite sides, as auxiliaries to the regular 
forces of their respective nations, which completely separated 
them ; and it never afterwards happened that they again con- 
federated in any buccaneer cause. They became more generally 
distinguished by different appellations, not consonant to their 
present situations and habits; for the French adventurers, who 
were frequently occupied in hunting and at the boucan, were 
called the Flibustiers of St. Domingo, and the English adventurers, 

who 



302 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 25 . w ho had nothing to do with the boucan, were called the Buc~ 

1690. cancers of Jamaica. 

July. The French had not kept possession of St. Christopher quite 

TheEnglish a year, when it was taken from them by the English. This 

St. Chris- was an unfortunate year for the French, who in it suffered a 

top er. g rea t defeat from the Spaniards in Hispaniola. Their Governor 
De Cussy, and 500 Frenchmen, fell in battle, and the Town 
of Cape Francois was demolished. 

The French Flibustiers at this time greatly annoyed Jamaica, 
making descents, in which they carried off such a number of 
negroes, that in derision they nicknamed Jamaica ' Little Guinea.' 
The principal transactions in the West Indies, were, the attempts 
made by each party on the possessions of the other. In the 
course of these services, De Graaf was accused of misconduct, 
tried, and deprived of his commission in the army; but though 
judged unfit 'for command in land service, out of respect to his 
maritime experience he was appointed Captain of a Frigate. 

No one among the Flibustiers was more distinguished for 
courage and enterprise in this war than Jean Montauban, who 
commanded a ship of between 30 and 40 guns. He sailed from 
the West Indies to Bourdeaux in 1694. In February of the year 
following, he departed from Bourdeaux for the coast of Guinea, 
where in battle with an English ship of force, both the ships 
were blown up. Montauban and a few others escaped with 
their lives. This affair is not to be ranked among buccaneer 
exploits, Great Britain and France being at open War, anc| 
Montauban having a regular commission, 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 303 



CHAP. XXVI. 

Seige and Plunder of the City of Carthagena on the Terra Firma, 
by an Armament from France in conjunction zvith the Flibustiers 
of Saint Domingo. 

[N 1697, at the suggestion of M. le Baron de Pointis, an chap. 26. 

officer of high rank in the French Marine, a large armament 1 g 97# 
was fitted out in France, jointly at the expence of the Crown, 
and of private contributors, for an expedition against the 
Spaniards in the West Indies. The chief command was given 
to M. de Pointis, and orders were sent out to the Governor 
of the French Settlements in Hispaniola (M. du Casse) to raise 
1200 men in Tortuga and Hispaniola to assist in the expedition. 
The king's regular force in M. du Casse's government was 
small, and the men demanded were to be supplied principally 
from the Flibustiers. The dispatches containing the above 
orders arrived in January. It was thought necessary to specify 
to the Flibustiers a limitation of time ; and they were desired 
to keep from dispersing till the 15th of February, it being cal- 
culated that M. de Pointis would then, or before, certainly be 
at Hispaniola. De Pointis, however, did not arrive till the 
beginning of March, when he made Cape Francois, but did not March, 
anchor there; preferring the Western part of Hispaniola, ' fresh 
water being better and more easy to be got at Cape Tiburon 
than at any other part/ M. du Casse had, with some difficulty, 
kept the Flibustiers together beyond the time specified, and 
they were soon dissatisfied with the deportment of the Baron de 
Pointis, which was more imperious than they had been accus- 
tomed to from any Commander. 

M. de 



304 HISTORY OF THE 

c h a p. 26. M. de Pointis published a history of his expedition, in which 

1697. he relates that at the first meeting between him and M. du Casse, 

Character he expressed himself dissatisfied at the small number of men 

Buccaneers provided, ' but/ says he, ' M. du Casse assured me that the 

by M. de <■ Buccaneers were at this time collected, and would every man 

Pointis. ■ " ' J 

' of them perform wonders. It is the good fortune of all the 
' pirates in these parts to be called Buccaneers. These free- 

* booters are, for the most part, composed of those that desert 

* from ships that come upon the coast: the advantage they 
e bring to the Governors, protects them against the prosecu- 
6 tion of the law. All who are apprehended as vagabonds in 
4 France, and can give no account of themselves, are sent to 
1 these Islands, where they are obliged to serve for three years. 

* The first that gets them, obliges them to work in the planta- 
1 tions ; at the end of the term of servitude, somebody lends 
? them a gun, and to sea they go a buccaneering/ It is proper 
to hint here, that when M. de Pointis published his Narrative, 
he was at enmity with the Buccaneers, and had a personal 
interest in bringing the buccaneer character into disrepute. 
Many of his remarks upon them, nevertheless, are not less just 
than characteristic. He continues his description ; ' They were 
4 formerly altogether independent. Of late years they have been 

* reduced under the government of the coast of St. Domingo : 
1 they have commissions given them, for which they pay the 

* tenth of all prizes, and are now called the King's subjects. 
6 The Governors of our settlements in Saint Domingo being 
' enriched by them, do mightily extol them for the damages 
' they do to the Spaniards. This infamous profession which an 

* impunity for all sorts of crimes renders so much beloved, has 
' within a few years lost us above six thousand men, who might 
'- have improved and peopled the colony. At present they are 
' pleased to be called the King's subjects ; yet it is with so 

much 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 305 

' much arrogance, as obliges all who are desirous to make use c hap. 26 . 

* of them, to court them in the most flattering terms. This ^97. 
' was not agreeable to my disposition, and considering them as 

* his Majesty's subjects which the Governor was ordered to 

* deliver to me, I plainly told them that they should find 
4 me a Commander to lead them on, but not as a companion 

* to them/ 

The expedition, though it was not yet made known, or even 
yet pretended to be determined, against what place it should 
be directed, was expected to yield both honour and profit. The 
Buccaneers would not quarrel with a promising enterprise under 
a spirited and experienced commander, for a little haughtiness 
in his demeanour towards them ; but they demanded to have 
clearly specified the share of the prize money and plunder to 
which they should be entitled, and it was stipulated by mutual 
agreement ' that the Flibustiers and Colonists should, man for 
' man, have the same shares of booty that were allowed to the 
' men on board the King's ships/ As so many men were to 
embark from M. du Casse's government, he proposed to go at 
their head, and desired to know of M. de Pointis what rank 
would be allowed him. M. du Casse was a mariner by pro- 
fession, and had the rank of Captain in the French Navy. 
De Pointis told him that the highest character he knew him in, 
was that which he derived from his commission as Capitaine de 
Vaisseau, and that if he embarked in the expedition, he must 
be content to serve in that quality according to his seniority. 

M. du Casse nevertheless chose to go, though it was generally 
thought he was not allowed the honours and consideration which 
were his due as Governor of the French Colonies at St. Domingo, 
and Commander of so large a portion of the men engaged in the 
expedition. It was settled, that the Flibustiers should embark 
partly in their own cruising vessels, and partly on board the 

R r ships 



306 HISTORY OF THE 

cha p. 26. ships of M. de Pointis' squadron, and should be furnished 
1697. with six weeks provisions. A review was made, to prevent 
any but able men of the Colony being taken; negroes who 
served, if free, were to be allowed shares like other men; if 
slaves and they were killed, their masters were to be paid 
for them. 

Two copies of the agreement respecting the sharing of booty 
were posted up in public places at Petit Goave, and a copy was 
delivered to M. du Casse, the Governor. M. de Pointis con- 
sulted with M. du Casse what enterprise they should undertake, 
but the determination wholly rested with M. de Pointis. 

* There was added/ M. de Pointis says, ' without my know- 
1 ledge, to the directions sent to Governor du Casse, that he 

* was to give assistance to our undertaking, without damage to, 
1 or endangering, his Colony. This restriction did in some 
' measure deprive me of the power of commanding his forces, 
' seeing he had an opportunity of pretending to keep them for 
1 the preservation of the Colon}'/ M. du Casse made no pre- 
tences to withhold, but gave all the assistance in his power. 
He was an advocate for attacking the City of San Domingo. 
This was the wish of most of the colonists, and perhaps was 
what would have been of more advantage to France than any 
other expedition they could have undertaken. But the arma- 
ment having been prepared principally at private expence, it 
was reasonable for the contributors to look to their own reim- 
bursement. To attack the City of San Domingo was not ap- 
proved ; other plans were proposed, but Carthagena seems to 
have been the original object of the projectors of the expedition, 
and the attack of that city was determined upon. Before the 
Flibustiers and other colonists embarked, a disagreement hap- 
pened which had nearly made them refuse altogether to join in 
the expedition. The officers of De Pointis 5 fleet had imbibed 

the 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 307 

tlie sentiments of their Commander respecting the Flibustiers chap. 26 . 

or Buccaneers, and followed the example of his manners towards 1697. 

them. The fleet was lying at Petit Goave, and M. de Pointis, 

giving to himself the title of General of the Armies of France 

by Sea and by Land in America, had placed a guard in a Fort 

there. M. du Casse, as he had received no orders from Europe 

to acknowledge any superior within his government, might have 

considered such an exercise of power to be an encroachment on 

his authority which it became him to resist; but he acted in 

this, and in other instances, like a man overawed. The officer 

of M. de Pointis who commanded the guard on shore, arrested 

a Flibustier for disorderly behaviour, and held him prisoner in 

the fort. The Flibustiers surrounded the fort in a tumultuous 

manner to demand his release, and the officer commanded his 

men to fire upon them, by which three of the Flibustiers were 

killed. It required some address and civility on the part of 

M. de Pointis himself, as well as the assistance of M. du Casse, 

to appease the Flibustiers ; and the officer who had committed 

the offence was sent on board under arrest. 

The force furnished from M. du Casse's government, consisted 
of nearly 700 Flibustiers, 1 70 soldiers from the garrisons, and 
as many volunteer inhabitants and negroes as made up about 
1£00 men. The whole armament consisted of seven large ships, 
and eleven frigates, besides store ships and smaller vessels; 
and, reckoning persons of all classes, 6000 men. 

The Fleet arrived off Carthagena on April the 13th, and the April. 
landing was effected on the 1 5th. It is not necessary to relate Sie ge of 

i-i i ■ * • 'i-iit* Carthagena 

all the particulars or this siege, in which the Buccaneers bore by the 
only a part. That part however was of essential importance. 

M. de Pointis, in the commencement, appointed the whole 
of the Flibustiers, without any mixture of the King's troops, 
to a service of great danger, which raised a suspicion of par- 

n n 2 tiality 



French. 



308 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 26. tiality and of an intention to save the men he brought with 
1697. him from Europe, as regarding them to be more peculiarly his 
own men. An eminence about a mile to the Eastward of the 
City of Carthagena, on which was a church named Nuestra 
Senora de la Poupa, commands all the avenues and approaches 
on the land side to the city. ' I had been assured,' says M. de 
Poinds, i that if we did not seize the hill de la Poupa irame- 
1 diately on our arrival, all the treasure would be carried off. 
4 To get possession of this post, I resolved to land the Bucca- 
i neers in the night of the same day on which we came to 
4 anchor, they being proper for such an attempt, as being 
* accustomed to marching and subsisting in the woods.' M. de 
Pointis takes this occasion to accuse the Buccaneers of behaving 
less heroically than M. du Casse had boasted they would, and 
that it was not without murmuring that they embarked in the 
boats in order to their landing. It is however due to them on 
the score of courage and exertion, to remark, though in some 
degree it is anticipation, that no part of the force under M. de 
Pointis shewed more readiness or performed better service in 
the siege than the Buccaneers. 

There was uncertainty about the most proper place for land- 
ing, and M. de Pointis went himself in a boat to examine near 
the shore to the North of the city. The surf rolled in heavy, 
by which his boat was filled, and was with difficulty saved from 
being stranded on a rock. The proposed landing was given up 
as impracticable, and M. de Pointis became of opinion that 
Carthagena was approachable only by the lake which makes the 
harbour, the entrance to which, on account of its narrowness, 
was called the Bocca-chica, and was defended by a strong fort. 

The Fleet sailed for the Bocca-chica, and on the 15th some of 
the ships began to cannonade the Fort. The first landing was 
effected at the same time by a corps of eighty negroes, without 

any 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 309 

any mixture of the King's troops. This was a second marked chap. 26. 
instance of the Commander's partial attention to the preserva- ^j. 
tion of the men he brought from France. M. de Pointis despised April. 
the Flibustiers, and probably regarded negroes as next to carfhagena. 
nothing. He was glad however to receive them as his com- 
panions in arms, and it was in honour due from him to all 
under his command, as far as circumstances would admit with- 
out injury to service, to share the dangers equally, or at least 
without partiality. 

The 16th, which was the day next after the landing, the 
Castle of Bocca-chica surrendered. This was a piece of good 
fortune much beyond expectation, and was obtained principally 
by the dexterous management of a small party of the Bucca- 
neers ; which drew commendation even from M. de Pointis. 
4 Among the chiefs of these Buccaneers,' he says, * there may 
4 be about twenty men who deserve to be distinguished for 
4 their courage; it not being my intention to comprehend them 
4 in the descriptions which I make of the others.' 

De Pointis conducted the siege with diligence and spirit. 
The Nuestra Senora de la Poupa was taken possession of on the May. 
17th ; and on the 3d of May, the City capitulated. The terms Th t e f^y 
of the Capitulation were, 

That all public effects and office accounts should be delivered 
to the captors. 

That merchants should produce their books of accounts, and 
deliver up all money and effects held by them for their cor- 
respondents. 

That every inhabitant should be free to leave the city, or to 
remain in his dwelling. That those who retired from the city 
should first deliver up all their property there to the captors. 
That those who chose to remain, should declare faithfully, 
under penalty of entire confiscation, the gold, silver, and 

jewels, 



310 HISTOilY OF THE 

chap. 26. jewels, in their possession; on which condition, and delivering 
1697. U P one h a l£> they should be permitted to retain the other half, 
May. and afterwards be regarded as subjects of France. 
At That the churches and religious houses should be spared 

Carthagena. , n 

and protected. 

The French General on entering the Town with his troops, 
went first to the cathedral to attend the Te Deum. He next 
sent for the Superiors of the convents and religious houses, 
to whom he explained the meaning of the article of the capitu- 
lation promising them protection, which was, that their houses 
should not be destroyed ; but that it had no relation to money in 
their possession, which they were required to deliver up. Other- 
wise, he observed, it would be in their power to collect in their 
houses all the riches of the city. He caused it to be publicly 
rumoured that he was directed by the Court to keep possession 
of Carthagena, and that it would be made a French Colony. 
To give colour to this report, he appointed M. du Casse to be 
Governor of the City. He strictly prohibited the troops from 
entering any house until it had undergone the visitation of 
officers appointed by himself, some of which officers it was 
supposed, embezzled not less than 100,000 crowns each. A 
reward was proclaimed for informers of concealed treasure, of 
one-tenth of all treasure discovered by them. ' The hope of 
' securing a part, with the fear of bad neighbours and false 
6 friends, induced the inhabitants to be forward in disclosing 
4 their riches, and Tilleul who was charged with receiving the 
' treasure, was not able to weigh the specie fast enough/ 

M. du Casse, in the exercise of what he conceived to be the 
duties of his new office of Governor of Carthagena, had begun 
to take cognizance of the money which the inhabitants brought 
in according to the capitulation ; but M. de Pointis was 
desirous that he should not be at any trouble on that head. 

High 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 311 

High words passed between them, in consequence of which, chap. 26 , 
Du Casse declined further interference in what was transacting, 1697. 
and retired to a house in the suburbs. This was quitting the May. 
field to an antagonist who would not fail to make his advantage At 

r • i r 1 -i-i • 1 '- ' n Cartbagena. 

or it; whose refusal to admit other witnesses to the receipt or 
money than those of his own appointment, was a strong indi- 
cation, whatever contempt he might profess or really feel for 
the Flibustiers, that he was himself of as stanch Flibustier prin- 
ciples as any one of the gentry of the coast. Some time 
afterwards, however, M. du Casse thought proper to send a 
formal representation to the General, that it was nothing more 
than just that some person of the colony should be present at 
the receipt of the money. The General returned answer, that 
what M. du Casse proposed, was in itself a matter perfectly in- 
different ; but that it would be an insult to his own dignity, 
and therefore he could not permit it. 

The public collection of plunder by authority did not save 
the city from private pillage. In a short time all the plate dis- 
appeared from the churches. Houses were forcibly entered 
by the troops, and as much violence committed as if no capi- 
tulation had been granted. M. de Pointis, when complained 
to by the aggrieved inhabitants, gave orders for the prevention 
of outrage, but was at no pains to make them observed. It 
appears that the Flibustiers were most implicated in these 
disorders. Many of the inhabitants who had complied with 
the terms of the capitulation, seeing the violences every where 
committed, hired Flibustiers to be guards in their houses, 
hoping that by being well paid they would be satisfied and 
protect them against others. Some observed this compact and 
were faithful guardians ; but the greater number robbed those 
they undertook to defend. For this among other reasons, 
De Pointis resolved to rid the city of them. On a report, 

which 



312 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 26 . which it is said himself caused to be spread, that an army 
1697. of 10,000 Indians were approaching Carthagena, he ordered 
May. the Flibustiers out to meet them. Without suspecting any 
At deception, they went forth, and were some days absent seeking 
the reported enemy. As they were on the return, a message 
met them from the General, purporting, that he apprehended 
their presence in the city would occasion some disturbance, and 
he therefore desired them to stop without the gates. On receiving 
this message, they broke out into imprecations, and resolved 
not to delay their return to the city, nor to be kept longer in 
ignorance of what was passing there. When they arrived at the 
gates they found them shut and guarded by the King's troops. 
Whilst they deliberated on what they should next do, another 
message, more conciliating in language than the former, came 
to them from M. de Pointis, in which he said that it was by no 
means his intention to interdict them from entering Carthagena; 
that he only wished they would not enter so soon, nor all at 
one time, for fear of frightening the inhabitants, who greatly 
dreaded their presence. The Flibustiers knew not how to help 
themselves, and were necessitated to take up their quarters 
without the city walls, where they were kept fifteen days, by 
which time the collection of treasure from the inhabitants was 
completed, the money weighed, secured in chests, and great 
part embarked. De Pointis says, \ as fast as the money was 
brought in, it was immediately carried on board the King's 
ships/ The uneasiness and impatience of the Flibustiers for 
distribution of the booty may easily be imagined. On their 
re-admission to the city, the merchandise was put up to sale 
by auction, and the produce joined to the former collection ; 
but no distribution took place, and the Flibustiers were loud in 
their importunities. M. de Pointis assigned as a reason for the 
delay, that the clerks employed in the business had not made 

up 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 313 

up the accounts. He says in Lis Narrative, ' I was not so ill c h a p. 26 . 

* served by my spies as not to be informed of the seditious ^gj. 

* discourses held by some wholly abandoned to their own May. 

* interest, upon the money being carried on board the King's At 

* ships, lo allay the ferment, he ordered considerable gratifi- 
cations to be paid to the Buccaneer captains, also compensa- 
tions to the Buccaneers who had been maimed or wounded, 
and rewards to be given to some who had most distinguished 
themselves during the siege ; — and he spoke with so much 
appearance of frankness of his intention, as soon as ever he 
should receive the account of the whole, to make a division 
which should be satisfactory to all parties, that the Buccaneers 
were persuaded to remain quiet. 

The value of the plunder is variously reported. Much of 
the riches of the city had been carried away on the first alarm 
of the approach of an enemy. De Pointis says 110 mules laden 
with gold went out in the course of four days. ' Nevertheless, 

* the honour acquired to his Majesty's arms, besides near eight Value of 
' or nine millions that could not escape us, consoled us for the 

* rest.' Whether these eight or nine millions were crowns or 
livres M< de Pointis' account does not specify. It is not im- 
probable he meant it should be understood as livres. Many 
were of opinion that the value of the booty was not less than 
forty millions of livres; M. du Casse estimated it at above 
twenty millions, besides merchandise. 

M. de Pointis now made known that on account of the 
unhealthiness of the situation, he had changed his intention 
of leaving a garrison and keeping Carthagena, for that already 
more Frenchmen had died there by sickness than he had 
lost in the siege. He ordered the cannon of the Bocca-chica 
Castle to be taken on board the ships, and the Castle to be 
demolished. On the 25th of May, orders were issued for the 

S s troops 



the Pi under. 



314 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 26. troops to embark ; and at the same time be embarked himself 

1607. without having given any previous notice of his intention so 

May. to do to M. du Casse, from whom he had parted but a few 

At minutes before. The ships of the King's fleet began to take up 

their anchors to move towards the entrance of the harbour, and 

M. de Pointis sent an order to M. du Casse for the Buccaneers 

and the people of the Colony to embark on board their own 

vessels. 

' M. du Casse sent two of his principal officers to the General 
to demand that justice should be done to the Colonists. Still 
the accounts were said not to be ready ; but on the £9th, the 
King's fleet being ready for sea, M. du Pointis sent to M. du 
Casse the Commissary's account, which stated the share of the 
booty due to the Colonists, including the Governor and the 
Buccaneers, to be 40,000 crowns. 

What the customary manner of dividing prize money in the 
"French navy was at that time, is not to be understood from the 
statement given by De Pointis, which says, ' that the King had 
* been pleased to allow to the several ships companies, a tenth 
'• of the first million, and a thirtieth part of all the rest/ Here 
it is not specified whether the million of which the ships con> 
panies were to be allowed one-tenth, is to be understood a 
million of Louis, a million crowns, or a million livres. The 
difference of construction in a large capture would be nearly as 
three to one. It requires explanation likewise what persons are 
meant to be included in the term ' ships companies.' Sometimes 
it is used to signify the common seamen, without including the 
officers; and for them, the one-tenth is certainly not too large 
a share. That in any military service, public or private, one- 
tenth of captures or of plunder should be deemed adequate 
gratification for the services of all the captors, officers included, 
seems scarcely credible. In the Carthagena expedition it is 

also 



BUCCANEERS OE AMERICA. 315 

also to be observed, that the dues of the crown were in some chap. 26 . 

measure compromised by the admission of private contribu- t Q 97m 

tions towards defraying the expence. ' The Elibustiers had con- May. 

tributed by furnishing their own vessels to the service. At 

-r-* /~i it i t 1 • t i Carthagena. 

Du Casse when he saw the account, did not immediately 
communicate it to his Colonists, deterred at first probably by 
something like shame, and an apprehension that they would 
reproach him with weakness for having yielded so much as he 
had all along done to the insulting and imperious pretensions of 
De Pointis. Afterwards through discretion he delayed making 
the matter public until the Colonists had all embarked and their 
vessels had sailed from the city. He then sent for the Captains, 
and acquainted them with the distribution intended by M. de 
Pointis, and they informed their crews. 



s s 2 



316 HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 27. 



CHAP. XXVII. 

Second Plunder of Carthagena. Peace of Ryswick, in 1697. 
Entire Suppression of the Buccaneers and Flibustiers. 

r THHE share which M. de Pointis had allotted of the plunder 
1697. of Carthagena to the Buccaneers, fell so short of their cal- 

Ma y- culations, and was felt as so great an aggravation of the con- 
temptuous treatment they had before received, that their rage 
was excessive, and in their first transports they proposed to board 
the Sceptre, a ship of 84 guns, on board which M. de Pointis 
carried his flag. This was too desperate a scheme to be perse- 
vered in. After much deliberation, one among them exclaimed, 
* It is useless to trouble ourselves any farther about such a 
4 villain as De Pointis ; let him go with what he has got ; he 
8 has left us our share at Carthagena, and thither we must 
1 return to seek it/ The proposition was received with general 
applause by these remorseless robbers, whose desire for ven- 
geance on De Pointis was all at once obliterated bj^ the mention 
of an object that awakened their greediness for plunder. They 
got their vessels under sail, and stood back to the devoted 
city, doomed by them to pay the forfeit for the dishonesty of 
their countryman. 

The matter was consulted and determined upon without 
M. du Casse being present, and the ship in which he had em- 
barked was left by the rest without company. When he per- 
ceived what they were bent upon, he sent orders to them 
to desist, which he accompanied with a promise to de- 
mand redress for them in France ; but neither the doubtful 
prospect of distant redress held out, nor respect for his orders, 

had 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 317 

had any effect in restraining them. M. du Casse sent an chap. 27. 
officer to M. de Poinds, who had not yet sailed from the ^^ 
entrance of Carthagena Harbour, to inform him that the Buc- 
caneers, in defiance of all order and in breach of the capitula- 
tion which had been granted to the city, were returning thither 
to plunder it again ; but M. de Pointis in sending the Com- 
missary's account had closed his intercourse with the Bucca- 
neers and with the Colonists, at least for the remainder of his 
expedition. M. du Casse's officer was told that the General 
was so ill that he could not be spoken with. The Officer went 
to the next senior Captain in command of the fleet, who, on 
being informed of the matter, said, ' the Buccaneers were 
great rogues, and ought to be hanged ;' but as no step could be 
taken to prevent the mischief, without delaying the sailing of 
the fleet, the chief commanders of which were impatient to 
see their booty in a place of greater securit}^, none was taken, 
and on the 1st of June the King's fleet sailed for France, June, 
leaving Carthagena to the discretion of the Buccaneers. M. de 
Pointis claims being ignorant of what was transacting. ' On 
4 the 30th of May/ he says, ' I was taken so ill, that all 
' I could do, before I fell into a condition that deprived me of 
4 my intellect, was to acquaint Captain Levi that I committed 

* the care of the squadron to him/ 

If M. de Pointis acted fairly by the people who came from 
France and returned with him, it must be supposed that in his 
sense of right and wrong he held the belief, that i to rob a 
rogue is no breach of honesty/ But it was said of him, i II 

* etoit capable de former un grand dessein, et de rien epargner 
6 pour le faire rSussir ; ' the English phrase for which is, ' he 
would stick at nothing/ 

On the 1st of June, M. du Casse also sailed from Carthagena 
to return to St. Domingo. Thus were the Flibustiers abandoned 

to 



318 HISTORY OF THE 

^chap. 27. to their own will by all the authorities whose duty it was to 
j6 97 , have restrained them. 

June. The inhabitants of Carthagena seeing the buccaneer ships 

At returning to the city, waited in the most anxious suspense 
to learn the cause. The Flibustiers on landing, seized on all 
the male inhabitants they could lay hold of, and shut them up 
in the great church. They posted up a kind of manifesto in 
different parts of the city, setting forth the justice of their 
second invasion of Carthagena, which they grounded on the 
perfidy of the French General De Pointis (*. que nous vous 
' permettons de charger de toutes les maledictions imaginables,' ) 
and on their own necessities. Finally, they demanded five 
millions of livres as the price of their departing again without 
committing disorder. It seems strange that the Buccaneers 
could expect to raise so much money in a place so recently 
plundered. Nevertheless, by terrifying their prisoners, putting 
some to the torture, ransacking the tombs, and other means 
equally abhorrent, in four days time they had nearly made up 
the proposed sum. It happened that two Flibustiers killed two 
women of Carthagena in some manner, or under some circum- 
stances, that gave general offence, and raised indignation in the 
rest of the Flibustiers, who held a kind of trial and condemned 
them to be shot, which was done in presence of many of the 
inhabitants. The Buccaneer histories praise this as an act of 
extraordinary justice, and a set-off against their cruelties and 
robberies, such as gained them the esteem even of the Spa- 
niards. The punishment, however merited, was a matter of 
caprice. It is no where pretended that they ever made a law 
to themselves to forbid their murdering their prisoners ; in 
very many instances they had not refrained, and in no former 
instance had it been attended with punishment. The putting 
these two murderers to death therefore, as it related to them- 
selves. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 319 

selves, was an arbitrary and lawless act. If the women had c h a p. 27 . 
been murdered for the purpose of coming at their money, it 1697. 
could not have incurred blame from the rest. These remarks June. 

are not intended in disapprobation of the act, which was very n -ft 

11 ' J Carthagena. 

well ; but too highly extolled. 

Having almost completed their collection, they began to 
dispute about the division, the Flibustiers pretending that the 
more regular settlers of the colony (being but landsmen) were 
not entitled to an equal share with themselves, when a bark 
arrived from Martinico which was sent expressly to give them 
notice that a fleet of English and Dutch ships of war had just 
arrived in the West Indies. This news made them hasten their 
departure, and shortened or put an end to their disputes ; for 
previous to sailing, they made a division of the gold and 
silver, in which each man shared nearly a thousand crowns ; 
the merchandise and negroes being reserved for future division, 
and which it was expected would produce much more. 

The Commanders of the English and Dutch squadrons, on 
arriving at Barbadoes, learnt that the French had taken Car- 
thagena. They sailed on for that place, and had almost reached 
it, when they got sight of De Pointis' squadron, to which they 
gave chase, but which escaped from them by superior sailing. 

On the 3d or 4th of June, the Flibustiers sailed from Cartha- An English 
gena in nine vessels, and had proceeded thirty leagues of their squadron 
route towards Hispaniola, when they came in sight of the ^ a11 in 
English and Dutch fleet. They dispersed, every one using his Buccaneers. 
best endeavours to save himself by flight. The two richest 
ships were taken ; two were driven on shore and wrecked, one 
of them near Carthagena, and her crew fell into the hands of 
the Spaniards, who would have been justified in treating them 
as pirates ; but they were only made to work on the fortifica- 
tions. The five others had the good fortune to reach Isle 

Avache. 



320 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 27. Avache. To conclude the history of the Carthagena expedition^ 
1697. a suit was instituted in France against M. de Pointis and the 
armateurs, in behalf of the Colonists and Flibustiers, and a 
decree was obtaiued in their favour for 1 ,400,000 livres ; but 
the greater part of the sum was swallowed up by the expenses 
of the suit, and the embezzlements of agents. 

The Carthagena expedition was the last transaction in which 
the Flibustiers or Buccaneers made a conspicuous figure. It 
turned out to their disadvantage in many respects; but chiefly 
September. j n stripping them of public favour. In September 1697, an end 
Ryswick. was put to the war, by a Treaty signed at Jxyswick. By this 
treaty, the part of the Island St. Christopher which had be- 
longed to the French was restored to them. 

In earlier times, peace, by releasing the Buccaneers from 
public demands on their services, left them free to pursue their 
own projects, with an understood license or privilege to cruise 
or form any other enterprise against the Spaniards, without 
danger of being subjected to enquiry ; but the aspect of affairs 
Causes in this respect was now greatly altered. The Treaty of 16 70 
W to the between Great Britain and Spain, with the late alliance of those 
suppression powers against France, had put an end to buccaneering in 
Buccaneers. Jamaica ; the scandal of the second plunder of Carthagena lay 
heavy on the Flibustiers of St. Domingo; and a circumstance 
in which both Great Britain and France were deeply interested, 
went yet more strongly to the entire suppression of the 
crujsings of the Buccaneers, and to the dissolution of their 
piratical union ; which was, the King of Spain, Charles the Hd. 
being in a weak state of health, without issue, and the suc- 
cession to the crown of Spain believed to depend upon his will. 
On this last account, the kings of Great Britain and France 
were earnest in their endeavours to give satisfaction to Spain. 
Louis xiv. sent back from France to Carthagena the silver 

ornaments 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 321 

ornaments of which the churches there had been stripped ; and chap. 27. 
distinction was no longer admitted in the French Settlements 1697. 
between Flibustier and Pirate. The Flibustiers themselves had 
grown tired of preserving the distinction ; for after the Peace 
of Ryszdck had been fully notified in the West Indies, they con- 
tinued to seize and plunder the ships of the English and Dutch, 
till complaint was made to the French Governor of Saint 
Domingo, M. du Casse, who thought proper to make indem- 
nification to the sufferers. Fresh prohibitions and proclamations 
were issued, and encouragement was given to the adventurers 
to become planters. The French were desirous to obtain per- 
mission to trade in the Spanish ports of the Terra Firma. 
Charlevoix says, * the Spaniards were charmed by the sending 
4 back the ornaments taken from the churches at Carthagena, 
4 and it was hoped to gain them entirely by putting a stop to 
* the cruisings of the Flibustiers. The commands of the King 
4 were strict and precise on this head ; that the Governor should 
' persuade the Flibustiers to make themselves inhabitants, and 
4 in default of prevailing by persuasion, to use force/ 

Many Flibustiers and Buccaneers did turn planters, or fol- 
lowed their profession of mariner in the ships of merchants. 
Attachment to old habits, difficulties in finding employment, 
and being provided with vessels fit for cruising, made many 
persist in their former courses. The evil most grievously felt 
by them was their proscribed state, which left them noplace in 
the West Indies where they might riot with safety and to their 
liking, in the expenditure of their booty. Not having the same 
inducement as formerly to limit themselves to the plundering 
one people, they extended their scope of action, and robbed 
vessels of all nations. Most of those who were in good vessels, 
quitted the West Indian Seas, and went roving to different parts 
of the world. Mention is made of pirates or buccaneers being 
in the South Sea in the year 1697, but their particular deeds 

T t are 



322 HISTORY OF THE 

chap. 27 . are not related ; and Robert Drury, who was shipwrecked 

1697. at Madagascar in the year 1702, relates, f King Samuel's 

messenger then desired to know what they demanded for me ? 

To which, Deaan Crindo sent word that they required two 

buccaneer guns/ 

At the time of the Peace of Ryswick, the Darien Indians, 
having quarrelled with the Spaniards, had become reconciled 
to the Fhbustiers, and several of the old Fhbustiers afterwards 
settled on the Isthmus and married Darien women. 
Providence One of the Lucayas, or Bahama Islands, had been settled by 
the English, under the name of Providence Island. It afforded 
good anchorage, and the strength of the settlement was small, 
which were conveniencies to pirates that induced them to fre- 
quent it; and, according to the proverbial effect of evil com- 
munication, the inhabitants were tempted to partake of their 
plunder, and assist in their robberies, by purchasing their prize 
goods, and supplying them with all kinds of stores and neces- 
saries. This was for several years so gainful a business to the 
Settlement, as to cause it to be proverbial in the West Indies, 
that ' Shipwrecks and Pirates were the only hopes of the Island 
Providence.' 
1700-1. In three years after the Peace of Ryswick, Charles the lid of 
Accession Spain died, and a Prince of the House of Bourbon mounted 
Philip Vth. the Spanish Throne, which produced a close union of interests 
T1 to the f between France and Spain. The ports of Spanish America, 
Spain, both in the West Indies and in the South Sea, were laid open to 
the merchants of France. The Noticia de las Expediciones al 
Magalhanes notices the great resort of the French to the Pacific 
Ocean, 6 who in an extraordinary manner enriched themselves 
during the war of the Spanish succession.' In the French 
Settlements in the West Indies the name of Flibustier, because 
it implied enmity to the Spaniards, was no longer tolerated. 
On the breaking out of the war between Great Britain and 

France 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 323 

France which followed the Spanish succession, the English cha p. 27. 

drove the French out of St. Christopher, and it has since 

remained wholly to Great Britain. M. le Conite de Gennes, 

a Commander in the French Navy, who a few years before 

had made an unsuccessful voyage to the. Strait of Magalhanes, 

was the Governor of the French part of the Island at the time 

of the surrender*. 

During this war, the Governors of Providence exercised their 
authority in granting commissions, or letters of reprisal; and 
created Admiralty Courts, for the condemnation of captured 
vessels : for under some of the Governors no vessels brought to 
the adjudication of the Court escaped that sentence. These 
were indirect acts of piracy. 

The last achievement related of the Flibustiers, happened in 
1 702, when a party of Englishmen, having commission from 
the Governor of Jamaica, landed on the Isthmus near the Sam- 
ballas Isles, where they were joined by some of the old Flibus- 
tiers who lived among the Darien Indians, and also by 300 of 
the Indians. They marched to some mines from which they 
drove the Spaniards, and took 70 negroes. They kept the 
negroes at work in the mines twenty-one days; but in all this 
exploit they obtained no more than about eighty pounds weight 
of gold. 

Here then terminates the History of the Buccaneers of 
America. Their distinctive mark, which they undeviatingly 

preserved 

* Pere Labat relates a story of a ridiculous effort in mechanical ingenuity, in 
which M. de Gennes succeeded whilst he was Governor at Saint Christopher. He 
made an Automaton in the likeness of a soldier, which marched and performed 
sundry actions. It was jocosely said that M. de Gennes might have defended 
his government with troops of his own making. His automaton soldier eat 
"victuals placed before it, which he digested, by means of a dissolvent,— P. Labat, 
Vol. V. p. 349. 

T T 2 



524 



HISTORY OF THE 



chap. 27. preserved nearly two centuries, was, their waging constant war 
against the Spaniards, and against them only. Many peculi- 
arities have been attributed to the Buccaneers in other respects, 
some of which can apply only to their situation as hunters of 
cattle, and some existed rather in the writers fancy than in 
reality. Mariners are generally credited for being more eccen- 
tric in their caprices than other men; which, if true, is to be 
accounted for by the circumstances of their profession ; and it 
happens that they are most subjected to observation at the times 
when they are fresh in the possession of liberty and money, 
earned by long confinement and labour. 

It may be said of the Buccaneers that they were, in general, 
courageous according to the character of their leader; often 
rash, alternately negligent and vigilant, and always addicted to 
pleasure and idleness. It will help to illustrate the manners 
and qualifications of the Buccaneers in the South Sea, to give 
an extract from the concluding part of Dampier's manuscript 
journal of his Voyage round the World with the Buccaneers, 
and will also establish a fact which has been mentioned before 
only as a matter surmised*. Dampier says, 

* September the 20th, 1691, arrived in the Downs to my 
great joy and satisfaction, having in my voyage ran clear 
round the Globe. — I might have been master of the ship we 
first sailed in if I would have accepted it, for it was known 
to most men on board that I kept a Journal, and all that 
knew me did ever judge my accounts were kept as correct 
as any man's. Besides, that most, if not all others who kept 
journals in the voyage, lost them before they got to Europe, 
whereas I preserved my writing. Yet I see that some men 
are not so well pleased with my account as if it came from 
any of 4 the Commanders that were in the South Sea, though 

' most 

* See p. 207, near the bottom. 



Extract 

from 
Dampier. 



BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA. 325 

* most of them, I think all but Captain Swan, were incapable chap. 27. 
s of keeping a sea journal, and took no account of any action, 

* neither did they make any observations. But I am only to 
' answer for myself, and if I have not given satisfaction to my 

* friends in what I have written, the fault is in the meanness of 

* my information, and not in me who have been faithful as to 

* what came to my knowledge/ 

Countenanced as the Buccaneers were, it is not in the least 
surprising that they became so numerous. With the same 
degree of encouragement at the present time, the Seas would 
be filled with such adventurers. It was fortunate for the 
Spaniards, and perhaps for the other maritime Nations of 
Europe, that the Buccaneers did not make conquest and 
settlement so much their object as they diet plunder; and that 
they took no step towards making themselves independent, 
whilst it was in their power. Among their Chiefs were some 
of good capacity; but only two of them, Mansvelt and Morgan, 
appear to have contemplated any scheme of regular settlement 
independent of the European Governments, and the time was 
then gone by. Before Tortuga was taken possession of for the 
Crown of France, such a project might have been undertaken 
with great advantage. The English and French Buccaneers 
were then united ; England was deeply engaged and fully occu- 
pied by a civil war; and the jealousy which the Spaniards 
entertained of the encroachments of the French in the West 
Indies, kept at a distance all probability of their coalescing to 
suppress the Buccaneers. If they had chosen at that time to 
have formed for themselves any regular mode of government, 
it appears not very improbable that they might have become a 
powerful independent State. 

In the history of so much robbery and outrage, the rapacity 
shewn in some instances by the European Governments in their 

West- 



326 HISTORY OF THE BUCCANEERS. 

chap. 2; . West-India transactions, and by Governors of their appoint* 
ment, appears in a worse light than that of the Buccaneers, 
from whom, they being professed ruffians, nothing better 
was expected. The superior attainments of Europeans, though 
they have done much towards their own civilization, chiefly 
in humanising their institutions, have, in their dealings with the 
inhabitants of. the rest of the globe, with few exceptions, been 
made the instruments of usurpation and extortion. 

After the suppression of the Buccaneers, and partly from 
their relicks, arose a race of pirates of a more desperate cast, 
so rendered by the increased danger of their occupation, who 
for a number of years preyed upon the commerce of all 
nations, till they were hunted down, and, it may be said, 
exterminated. Of* one crew of pirates who were brought 
before a Court of Justice, fifty-two men were condemned and 
executed at one time, in the year 1722. 



FINIS. 




Hiiiiiw congress 

015 812 314 9 



